Draft of March 8, 2018
Word count: 5,436
Chapter 6. The Iran Connection
In 1986, Barry Weingart shut me out of AlphaBase Systems, Inc the software firm that he and I co-founded along with South African Julien Bentel. Barry knew who I was. When I sued him for my equity interest in AlphaBase, Michigan attorney Robert Kuhr was retained as counsel on the advice of my mother who first met him when he dated Cathy O’Connell for whom my mother served as a surrogate parent after the death of Cathy’s mother. Trusting in that personal relationship, she felt confident having Cathy’s husband advise me. That was a mistake.
Kuhr graduated from the University of Michigan Law School in 1975 and worked for the Department of Justice until he left for private practice in 1980. He had previously worked for the Drug Enforcement Agency until everyone in his section was killed, including a DEA agent who reportedly took 15 minutes to “bleed out” after a double-barreled shotgun was fired point-blank into his stomach. Kuhr then worked for the Abbott, Nicholson law firm, bankruptcy attorneys for Detroit automaker John DeLorean—to whom I will return.
Based on that family relationship, I trusted Kuhr with documents proving my ownership interest in AlphaBase. When Kuhr “lost” key documents in an exchange of papers between law firms, he aided Weingart in defrauding me of my stake in AlphaBase. Kuhr also assured me he would investigate the surname (“Armour”) put on my birth certificate to determine if it was an accurate record of my true biological father. Kuhr assured me that he had positively confirmed that Armour was my father, a finding that my mother and I knew was false.
Ron Burd’s search of West Virginia newspapers and local property records suggests that my biological father met my mother in 1951 while accompanying family members on a business trip to West Virginia that culminated November 1, 1952 when Standard Oil signed a lease with the Dor Company, a local gas and oil distributor. The name Bill Armour appeared as “father” on my birth certificate. At the time, Amour was a locally prominent official. From 1929 to 1938, Armour’s mother sold several properties to Standard Oil and to the Dor Company, a firm founded by three former distributors for Exxon (formerly Standard Oil). Bill Armour was presumably the agent through whom negotiations were conducted. The Rockefeller family was known to operate through proxies to obscure their presence.
The Iran Connection
In 1987, Kuhr approached me about locating a buyer for 650 Fifth Avenue, a pink marble commercial building in Manhattan formerly owned by the Shah of Iran. Arbitrageur Ivan Boesky, an accomplice of convicted stock swindler Michael Milken, occupied the top two floors. The Iranian Parliament put the building on sale as trustee of properties acquired with funds stolen from Iran by the Shah.
I located a buyer in return for an agreed-to commission of one-third of any amount over the asking price of $240 million. The sole mortgage on the building was a $60 million note held by Chase Manhattan Bank where my Uncle David Rockefeller served as Chairman and Chief Executive Officer from 1969-1981. When I found a buyer for $350 million, the purchase money was agreed to be provided by a Japanese insurance company through Rothschild’s Tokyo office and by American Express, with the approval of CEO Jim Robinson.
Fields within fields…within fields. A Detroit native, Ivan Boesky worked in Iran during the late 1950s for reasons that remain obscure according to James B. Stewart in Den of Thieves. In April 1984, Michael Milken organized a $109 million private placement of junk bonds for Boesky’s arbitrage partnership. Two years later, he raised another $640 million. “Drexel would be raising capital – and, as usual, taking an equity stake – in an arbitrage partnership where Boesky would be betting on the outcome of deals, many of which would be Drexel’s according to author Connie Bruck in Predator’s Ball. If he bet correctly, Drexel, with its insider information on those deals, would share in his profits.” That conflict of interest was known both to Boesky and Milken.
Boesky plead guilty to insider trading on November 14, 1986 and agreed to pay a record $100 million fine. That’s also when the Drexel firm and Milken’s reputation began their decline. The convictions of Boesky and Milken traced to the discovery of reciprocal ‘stock parking’ arrangements. Working out of Drexel’s Beverly Hills office, Milken’s 1987 compensation topped $550 million and totaled more than $1 billion over a four-year period. For several years during the 1980s, the Beverly Hills Hotel was controlled by Boesky after the death of his in-laws’ patriarch, Ben Silberstein.
Lehman Brothers merged with Kuhn, Loeb & Co. and then with the firm formed by the merger of Loeb Rhoades and Shearson Hayden Stone. The resulting firm, Shearson Lehman American Express, emerged with an ownership structure that vested control in two four-percent shareholders: Carl Lindner (involved in stalking me in 1995) and Edmund Safra. Descended from Syrian traders, Safra was a Lebanese-born Orthodox Jew from the Sephardic lineage expelled from Spain in 1492. His first bank, Banco Safra in Brazil, was a magnet for flight capital from Jews residing in the Middle East and South America.
After Safra founded Republic National Bank in 1966 with $11 million in capital and a single Manhattan branch, Republic became the “Russian bootleggers’ bank of choice” as a repository of wealth stripped out of Russia by the predominantly Jewish oligarchs whose national scale fraud was enabled by asset Boris Yeltsin. Those relationships enabled Safra to own the twentieth largest bank in the U.S. with assets exceeding $50 billion, featuring seventy branches stretching from Manhattan to Miami and Beverly Hills. As part of the “Red Mafia,” Republic also reportedly controlled 95 percent of banknote sales to Russia.
The Iranian Parliament and Jewish Organized Crime
At Kuhr’s urging, I also met with Pincus Green who was liquidating other assets acquired with funds stolen by the Shah. Telexes between Kuhr and middleman Hormoz Moin affirmed that Moin represented Hashemi Rafsanjani, then President of the Iranian Parliament (Moin’s father reportedly served as the Shah’s banker). That correspondence coincided with the period when Marc Rich, Green’s partner, was trading oil illegally with the Iranians backed by the Israelis in partnership with Rafsanjani. Rafsanjani, Rich and the Israelis had every reason to ensure that the oil embargo continued as long as possible as the same parties promoted the narrative of an “existential threat to Israel” with Tehran branded the latest Evil Doer in a long-running morality play orchestrated by the Jewish elites and extremists who founded Israel.
In a phone call from Paris, Moin told me that the Ayatollah Khomeini had assured the Shah that he would be killed if he did not return $37 billion of the $51 billion he stole from Iran. The bulk of that wealth was then held by the Shah’s education foundation. The properties and the funds returned were under the control of the Iranian Parliament and its president, Rafsanjani, who was also known as “Mr. Five Percent” due to the region-wide notoriety of his corruption (he died in January 2017).
I was also asked to find a buyer for an 18% interest held by the Iranian Government in a refinery in South Africa, a stake originally acquired by the Shah’s father in August 1941 when the Soviets and the British, fearing he would ally with Germany, forced him into exile in South Africa with its predominantly Jewish-controlled economy. I’m confident future research will find that those I profiled began targeting hydrocarbon-rich Iran no later than 1941.
The agreed-to sale of this Manhattan property was squelched when, with $3,000 to my name, I was asked by Pincus Green what I would do with my $35 million commission. I replied, “I’m going to take half and identify who is f–king with me. The other half I’ll use to f–k the s–t out of them.” He responded, “So you’re not a live and let live kind of guy?” After that exchange, the previously clear title became “clouded” and the agreed-to transaction did not close. I kept going.
I suspect the perpetrators hoped to persuade me to blame David Rockefeller when the deal did not close, provoking me to slander the family patriarch with (then) insufficient evidence. Also, I knew that, had I been paid the commission I earned, those stalking me would have had me found dead a year or two later. By then I also knew that my Uncle David was complicit but I did not yet have the proof I now have to show his involvement dating to no later than the 1950s when he allied with his German-Jewish partners at Hallgarten & Company, a U.S. front for Rothschild operations in the U.S.
The Clintons as Reliable Assets
As one of his last acts as President, asset Bill Clinton pardoned Iran oil trader Marc Rich after he was lobbied by Mossad chief Efraim Halevi and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. Rich’s wife, Denise, presented Clinton a gold-plated saxophone. Rich soon began to handle sales of oil for Saddam Hussein through the United Nations Oil-for-Food program. Those sales helped pre-stage a well-timed crisis, as a scandal was deployed to discredit the U.N. soon after the U.S.-led invasion of March 2003—just when the credibility of the U.N. was badly needed as a stabilizing force in Iraq.
After Clinton’s pardon of Rich on the last day of his presidency in January 2001, Glenn Olds requested that I fly to Oregon to speak with him about my encounter with Rich’s partner. He asked, “Mel, did you know who the man was when sitting across from him in 1986-87?” I replied, “No, I didn’t have to know. I just had to stay with them connecting the dots inside-out knowing when I had aggregated enough that what I was interacting with would reveal the outcome. This is the only way to solve a nonlinear problem like this—with the real proof hidden behind centuries of planning, using hate and racism to screen their hatred for what they have yet to amass control over.”
Rafsanjani, his two sons and nephew Ali Hasmi Rafsanjani are legendary as among the most corrupt middlemen in the Middle East. Their reputations suggest they are also assets who, for the right price, can be expected to perform reliably. That impression was reinforced April 9, 2004 when, right on cue, Hashemi Rafsanjani proclaimed as “heroic” an insurgency catalyzed by radical Iraqi cleric Muqtada al-Sadr who called for a Shia-led insurgency that killed dozens of U.S. troops, intensifying political pressure on the U.S. for an early withdrawal and pre-staging the emergence of the Sunni extremists of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) a decade later in response to their abuse by a Shia-led government.
In August 2004, insurgents loyal to al-Sadr were again engaged in combat with U.S. and Iraqi troops in the vast cemeteries that dominate the holy city of Najaf. That Sadr-led violence catalyzed a broader insurgency that destabilized Iraq and further energized a Shia-led electoral movement that soon dominated Iraqi politics, excluded Sunnis and ensured, in reaction, the emergence of a region-wide crisis that soon led to an alliance between Israel and several of the heavily armed nations of the six-member Gulf Cooperation Council. In terms of game theory warfare, Tel Aviv knew it could rely on support from Saudi Arabia and other GCC members in Israel’s long-sought war against Iran—provided the U.S. could be induced to invade Iraq to set in motion the dynamics that followed.
Pre-Staging the Great Satan
In February 1988, Kuhr introduced me to Ross Perot just prior to his speech at the Detroit Economic Club. Perot’s Electronic Data Systems (EDS) performed data processing in Iran for SAVAK, the Shah’s brutal secret police. After the Shah came to power and obtained the blessing of Ayatollah Khomeini, SAVAK attacked Khomeini’s village, reportedly killing everyone except his immediate family. The Ayatollah and his family fled to Turkey in November 1964 before moving to Najaf where they lived under the protection of Saddam Hussein for 13 years. They then relocated to Paris before returning to Iran after SAVAK catalyzed another crisis in 1978 by killing thousands of Iranians, leading to the Shah’s departure from Iran on January 16, 1979 as he sought treatment abroad for the cancer that would lead to his death in July 1980.
My Uncle David and Henry Kissinger persuaded President Jimmy Carter to allow the Shah into the U.S. for cancer treatment on October 22, 1979. Angered at the Shah’s admission to the U.S., militant Iranian students sought a means to vent their fury. From those political conditions emerged the Iranian revolution that brought radical Islamic extremists to power in a nation with the world’s largest proven reserves of natural gas and the fourth largest reserves of oil. When militants attacked the U.S. embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979, took 52 American hostages and held them for 444 days, that well-timed crisis helped persuade U.S. voters to favor Ronald Reagan over Jimmy Carter in the November 1980 presidential election. Throughout the crisis, Iran continued to supply oil to Israel.
The hostages were released as Reagan took his presidential oath of office on January 20, 1981. During the presidential campaign of 2016, Texas Senator Ted Cruz, a Zionist Christian Republican candidate, argued that Iran was “afraid of Ronald Reagan” even though Reagan was an asset whose presidency was pre-staged and produced over decades by those I profiled while being stalked my entire life. [See Chapter 10, The Noble Lie.]
The Mossad was then the primary source of U.S. intelligence in Iran, working on contract to our Central Intelligence Agency. Ross Perot’s EDS (Electronic Data Systems) entered Iran as a $100 million firm and departed worth approximately $1.5 billion with SAVAK a key client. It was during this period that the U.S. was branded the “Great Satan” in the Muslim world, particularly among Shia Muslims of Shia-dominant Iran. Meanwhile the 1979 hostage crisis helped pre-stage the next plausible conflict-of-opposites as “radical Islamic extremists” became the Great Satan’s counterpoint in what by 1993 would be globally marketed by (predominantly Jewish) neocons as The Clash of Civilizations.
Repetitive Behavior Patterns
Which brings me back to Robert Kuhr who introduced me into the Zionist cells active in creating the serial crises that fractured Iran. While in Kuhr’s law office, I reviewed (without his knowledge) his files on automaker John DeLorean which showed a transfer of funds to a Swiss bank account in DeLorean’s name. At the time, I surmised it may have been part of a secret settlement when DeLorean’s firm faced bankruptcy following his arrest in October 1982 on charges of providing $1.8 million to smuggle 100 kilograms of cocaine into the U.S. in the hope of making a projected $24 million profit required to recapitalize his struggling DeLorean Motor Company.
Kuhr’s work for DeLorean further confirmed the overlapping fields-within-fields of relationships into which I was repeatedly drawn. After Dr. Robert Birndorf, a key perpetrator, removed $41,000 from my bank account in a 1982 fraud, I pleaded with him at his home to return the funds because that fraud jeopardized my family’s financial security. Birndorf replied, “We’re going to do to you what we did to DeLorean.”
Fields within fields…within fields. Raised on the East Side of Detroit, John DeLorean first gained automotive fame while at General Motors where, in the early 1960s, he led the GM team that created the Pontiac GTO, an icon of Motor City’s muscle car era. A high-profile ‘swinger’ after his second divorce, DeLorean relished seeing his photo in the media while dating pop culture celebrities such as actresses Ursula Andress and Raquel Welch.
After marrying supermodel Christina Ferrare, half his age, he set out to create his own car company making the gull-wing DMC-12, a stainless steel sports car featuring a V-6 engine by Renault. The first 100 investors in DeLorean Motor Cars included television talk show host Johnny Carson and ‘Rat Pack’ entertainer Sammy Davis, Jr. The British government committed $156 million in grants and loans in return for DeLorean locating the DMC production line in Northern Ireland. His high-profile project set a precedent for public support of private investment when the U.K. government was promised 2,000 new jobs in a region then struggling with 20 percent unemployment. When his high-priced sports car failed to sell well, DeLorean apparently turned in 1982 to a cocaine smuggling scheme to raise money, a federal offense for which he was convicted. Two years later, he was acquitted of all charges after a federal judge ruled his arrest was a clear case of F.B.I. entrapment.
DeLorean produced 8,563 DMC-12s, including two gold-plated models featured in a 1980 American Express Christmas catalog that sold for $85,000 each ($253,000 in 2018) as his playboy image was marketed alongside his sleek roadster. I later discovered that DeLorean’s U.S. facility was located in Irvine, California on land owned by Armand Hammer whose multi-decade role in this transnational criminality will be chronicled in the next release in this series. In light of Kuhr’s representation of DeLorean, the Armand Hammer “coincidence” suggests that DeLorean was a pliable asset whose unfulfilled needs were profiled and manipulated, including their use of his pop-culture personality to raid the U.K. Treasury for his failed Irish venture.
The Charade of Presidential Elections
I first met David Knoll in 1982 when his childhood friend, Ken Varshay, purchased (with Knoll’s backing) one of only two Daxon computer franchises sold. When I bought the other one, that purchase pre-staged a sophisticated bank fraud orchestrated by Dr. Robert Birndorf. When he contacted me about buying a medical billing system, he was running workman’s compensation scams in Los Angeles. The Birndorf fraud required the complicity of Hewlett Packard controller Richard Lundquist to empty my bank account. Knoll lived in Buffalo, New York where he was a law partner of Bill Miller. Miller is best known as Barry Goldwater’s vice-presidential running mate in 1964 when the Republican Party nominated the conservative Arizona Senator as token opposition to Texas Democrat Lyndon Johnson in the November presidential elections one year after the murder in Dallas of President John F. Kennedy.
As a candidate for Vice-President, Miller knew the 1964 campaign was a charade. Johnson was precisely the right president for Israel as they pre-staged their region-wide provocation known as the Six Day War of 1967. Miller’s daughter recalls how, during campaign flights, he would play poker with his colleagues. If, as they approached their campaign rally destination, they were having a good game, he would instruct the pilot to circle the field and radio ahead that their arrival had been delayed. He wasn’t going to allow a sham election to interfere with his card game.
Knoll represented Buffalo’s Jacobs clan, a Jewish organized crime family whose holdings included the concessions at Tiger Stadium in Detroit (now Comerica Park) where I first learned of their operation from my teenage friendships with the children of Detroit’s mobster elite as the Italian front for Jewish organized crime in Michigan. Knoll also represented waste management, scrap metal and landfill operations nationwide, many of them dating from the Meyer Lansky era and the original National Crime Syndicate. Those industries remain a mainstay of organized crime worldwide.
Another Well-Timed Crisis
Knoll was disbarred shortly after helping Efraim Zeda flee the U.S. during the Iran-Contra hearings to prevent him from testifying. An Iranian Jew, Zeda served as a courier for the Emir of Kuwait when the Kuwaiti ruler financed Albert Hakim and Richard Secord during the failed U.S. military rescue of American hostages held in Tehran. That high-profile humiliation helped swing the November 1980 presidential election to Ronald Reagan. With the California Republican in office, that Jimmy Carter-era hostage crisis was transformed into an arms-for-hostages crisis with Tel Aviv active both in instigating the crisis and profiting as an arms-brokering middleman.
I was informed over lunch with Knoll in San Diego that Hakim was Israeli military. Both men were key operatives during the Carter-discrediting hostage-rescue crisis that later became the Reagan-discrediting Iran-contra crisis. The rationale offered by Reagan: “I told the American people I did not trade arms for hostages. My heart and my best intentions still tell me that’s true, but the facts and the evidence tell me it is not.” (March 4, 1987)
As a Brigadier General in the U.S. Air Force, Secord served from 1975-1978 as chief of the U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group in Iran where he met Hakim. After Secord’s promotion to Major General in 1980, he emerged as a senior planner for the failed Desert One operation, a botched aircraft refueling operation in the Iranian desert, and the failed Eagle Claw hostage rescue attempt outside Tehran. The failure of both operations undermined President Carter’s credibility as Commander-in-Chief and helped pave the way for a more militaristic Reagan presidency willing to incur more debt to fund more military spending that we now know was not needed. Similar false intelligence operations were deployed to boost defense spending with Plan B during the presidency of asset Gerald Ford led by (Jewish) adviser Richard Pipes and with the Office of Special Plans during the presidency of asset George W. Bush led by (Jewish) adviser Douglas Feith.
Political perspective. Pollster Richard Werthlin determined in March 1980, a month before the April 1980 Desert One operation, that an “October surprise” (a hostage release just prior to the November election) would end the prospect of a Reagan presidency. Reagan campaign strategist Bill Casey then created an October Surprise Working Group led by Richard Allen.
In October 1980, Carter reached an agreement with Iran to unfreeze its financial assets in return for releasing the hostages. When the release was delayed and Reagan elected, Casey became C.I.A. Director and Allen the National Security Adviser. As Reagan was sworn in, Iranian guards signaled an aircraft—awaiting instructions at Tehran’s Mehrabad Airport—that departed with the hostages on board. Shortly thereafter, arms shipments began from Tel Aviv to Tehran as Israel’s next presidential product began his eight years in the White House.
By the time that the Iran-contra funding scheme reached scandal proportions in 1986, the U.S. had shipped $1.3 billion in arms to Iran for its war against Iraq, a long-time ally of the U.S. On July 18, 1981, an Argentine cargo place crashed on the Soviet-Turkish border carrying U.S.-made spare parts and ammunition from Israel to Iran. Tel Aviv conceded the shipment was enroute to Tehran with Washington’s approval. [See Chapter 8: The People in Between.]
When the 1980 Desert One hostage-rescue operation failed amidst allegations of sabotage, Ayatollah Khomeini detained the U.S. hostages until Reagan completed the presidential swearing-in ceremony. Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush would preside over U.S. foreign policy for the next twelve years. With Reagan’s election, (Jewish) neocon Richard Perle was appointed assistant secretary of defense for international security affairs. Secord became his deputy and (Jewish) neocon Paul Wolfowitz was appointed State Department Director of Policy Planning—to emerge in 2001 as Deputy Secretary of Defense in the presidency of a classic asset, George W. Bush.
Fields within fields…within fields
In 1997-98, I accompanied an art broker to lunch in San Francisco with an art dealer employed by Weinstein Galleries. Before the (Jewish) dealer realized my identity, he described a meeting in Tehran with a brother-in-law of Khomeini who was also a senior general for the Shah. The dealer also described how, prior to the 1978-79 crisis that forced the Shah to leave Iran and catalyzed the hostage crisis, Khomeini had assured the Shah that he could leave peacefully. Yet the C.I.A. station chief elected not to transmit that offer to the U.S. When I identified myself and pointed out that, during that period, the U.S. had contracted the Mossad for its Iran-related intelligence, the dealer quickly changed the subject. To advance their long game, those complicit need chaos, bloodshed and serial well-timed crises which is what they got—and will continue to get until the common source of this criminality is exposed and those responsible are held accountable.
In subsequent conversations with Dr. Dennis Lou, I confirmed that the Shah had on his military staff a top general who was Khomeini’s brother-in-law. Asked to advise Jimmy Carter and Richard Holbrooke on what became the hostage crisis, Dr. Lou advised Carter that if he did nothing the crisis would pass. Instead, Carter (advised by Richard Holbrooke) approved the failed rescue attempt, transforming a predicament into a well-timed geopolitical crisis that helped bring to the White House asset Ronald Reagan, a friend of my Uncle Bobby.
While I was in San Diego in 1991, a man who identified himself as Efraim Zeda informed me that he handled Iran-Contra funds for C.I.A. Director Casey and Vice President Bush. That assignment made Zeda (like Hakim, an Iranian Jew), a middleman operating between Secord/Hakim and Kuwaiti financiers, including the Emir of Kuwait. My sources told me that the Emir was a known pedophile. If true, that would have made him an easily manipulated asset deployed as a “crossover cover” to mask behind-the-scenes Israeli orchestration in the run-up to the Gulf War of 1991. The Emir of Kuwait played a strategic role in provoking the Iraqi invasion that induced the U.S. to launch Operation Desert Storm in August 1990.
I have no way of knowing whether the man who identified himself as Zeda was using his real name. From a timing perspective, it’s instructive that I did not meet David Fu (see below) until Munther Ghazal and I returned from Iraq in 1997. And that I met Zeda only after the perps undermined my Manhattan real estate deal with Iranian Hashemi Rafsanjani in 1987.
What’s the Probability I Would Meet….
Fu, a Chinese citizen, was relocated to the U.S. by the C.I.A. in the late 1950s, reportedly as the sole surviving member of a team that failed in an attempt to assassinate Chinese nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek. After managing a restaurant in Los Angeles, Fu moved in the 1970s to Vancouver where he reportedly tracked the inflow of funds from Hong Kong for the C.I.A. My attorney, Robert Knoll, first met Fu in Canada after Fu relocated to Toronto in the early 1980s. When Fu had problems with the C.I.A. in the early 1980s, he fled to China. A sting operation lured him to Mexico where C.I.A. agents drugged him, wrapped him in a rug, and rolled him across the Mexico-U.S. border. Following his arrest in Texas by U.S. marshals, he was shackled to Efraim Zeda, put on a prison bus and transported back to Buffalo, New York. The two men were shackled together with the probabilistic outcome that Knoll would meet Zeda in the course of representing Fu.
By the time Knoll visited Zeda in jail (who by then had been transferred to Philadelphia), F.B.I. agents took Knoll’s shoes, belt and money, drove him to the most dangerous part of that city, pushed him out of the car and left him. Before Knoll could arrange to have his Iranian client released on bail, Zeda was reportedly moved constantly by the F.B.I. to avoid a Senate subpoena during the May 1987 Iran-contra Congressional hearings and to prevent his attorney from locating him before his release.
The Mossad reportedly assured Zeda that if he didn’t leave the U.S., they would transport his family back to Tehran and notify the Iranian government who would have them killed. With Israeli support, Knoll reportedly bribed Zeda’s prison guards to release him (he had been transferred to New Mexico) and arranged for $1 million in cash and a Lear Jet to take him to Lagos, Nigeria. Israeli influence in oil-rich Nigeria dates from the laundering of (Jewish) organized crime’s proceeds, including the casino skim, through Nigerian oil contracts and oil-related letters of credit.
I knew early on that who I met and what the perps would do to me would lead me to the core of their model provided I was able to get close enough before they realized I was profiling them as they were stalking me. That analysis proved correct.
The F.B.I. reportedly destroyed Knoll professionally, initially with a disinformation campaign in which F.B.I. agents assured authorities in the Cayman Islands that Knoll was a drug trafficker (Columbian drug lord Pablo Escobar was then prominently featured in the media). Based on that false intelligence, the Cayman Island government was persuaded that a forged federal warrant was valid, inducing their disclosure of Knoll’s otherwise confidential financial dealings. The Internal Revenue Service then used that information to pursue him for federal bankruptcy fraud in Buffalo, ending his legal career.
I last saw Fu in 1997 in Ojai, California at the home of former C.I.A. employee Carol Barr. Fu claimed he had just returned from a meeting in Las Vegas with pop-culture personality Merv Griffin, Nancy Reagan’s closest male friend, where they discussed Fu’s proposal for Formula One racing in China. In 2005, Barr lured Jeff and I to Mormon-dominated Gila County, Arizona with the promise of free lodging in a small farmhouse she owned. When she then sued Jeff for rent, I counter-sued. In the subsequent litigation, we were represented by attorney John Franklin, a seventh-generation Mormon. When we found that he was collaborating with Barr’s counsel, we successfully sued to have him disbarred, a procedure that consumed time, attention and scarce financial resources.
How Deep the Deceit?
If I’d had access to the resources required to engage a team of researchers, I am confident that by now we could prove beyond any reasonable doubt how so few have for so long manipulated world powers like pawns on a multi-tiered chessboard. This trans-generational manipulation is now coming full circle, including to Iraq where the Talmud was bifurcated in the fifth century after Christ, creating the Babylonian Talmud and later the Kabbalah where those profiled imbedded the math required to influence the evolution of history while making it appear “natural.”
With the help of scholars, I am confident we’ll find that Iran (Persia) was the repository of what survived the Vedic culture with the history of the Hebrews adapted from this rich culture as well as from the people from the southern marshes of Iraq (the literal meaning of Semite). The truly Semitic people were Persian, not Arab. Thus “anti-Semite” is actually anti-Persian, an irony not lost on scholars who grasp how deeply the myth of the “Jewish people” has been woven into history as fact. If there was no exodus, there can be no return, the moral basis for the inhumanity visited on the Palestinians.
Similarly, the origin of the word Aryan traces to the ancient Sanskrit found in southern Iraq following the return of Alexander the Great from the Kush and what is now modern-day Lahore. Thus the origin of the people from the Punjab—meaning where the five rivers converge in what is now Pakistan. The question for scholars is whether Judaism is a fraud both on humanity and on their own True Believers.
It became clear early on that the arrogance of those I profiled while being stalked was their greatest weakness and that love would be my most powerful weapon of choice—never reacting as they wished or, worse, becoming like them. I feel sorry for them because those few responsible within the broader Jewish community are pathetic and psychopathic in the way they prey on Jewish identity. A few within the few—whether Jews, Christians, Muslims or any faith tradition—do not represent a people.
- Telex between Robert Kuhr, myself and Hormoz Moin (1987)
- Photo of office building at 650 Park Avenue
- Photo of Ivan Boesky
- Photo of Michael Milken
- Photo of Pincus Green
- Photo of Denise Rich & Bill Clinton
- Photo of Bill Clinton & Marc Rich
- Photo Goldwater/Miller campaign button
- Photo of John DeLorean w/ Delorean DMC-12 (1981)
- Photo of John DeLorean cocaine bust & acquittal
- Photo of Doug Skeen
- Photo of Muqtada al-Sadr
- Photo of Hashemi Ransanjani
- Photo of Ahmad Chalabi
- Photo of Richard Perle
- Photo of Paul Wolfowitz
- Photo of William Casey
- Photo of Richard Allen
- Photo of Iran hostages in Tehran
- Photo of Jimmy Carter greeting Ronald Reagan at White House (January 1981)
650 Park Avenue Ivan Boesky
John DeLorean John DeLorean bust
John Delorean acquittal Goldwater-Miller Campaign Button (1964)
Bill Clinton & Denise Rich Bill Clinton & Marc Rich
Hashemi Rafsanjani Paul Wolfowitz
Ahmad Chalabi Richard Perle
William Casey Richard Allen
Iran hostages (1979)