Chapter 2. The War in Iraq Could Have Been Prevented95 min read


Draft of July 22, 2019

Word count: 14,467


Chapter 2. The War in Iraq Could Have Been Prevented — Part 1

The parties stalking me also stalked the U.S. by deceiving us to invade Iraq in their pursuit of an agenda for Greater Israel. I know this is true because:

(1) Eighteen months prior to 9/11, Iraqi-American colleague Munther Ghazal was invited to meet with Taliban leader Mohammed Omar. We had traveled to Iraq together in January 1997. Sensing a set-up, I persuaded him not to go. Had he traveled to Kabul, he would have become the purported (and still missing) “high level contact” between Saddam Hussein and Islamic extremists and I would have been portrayed as guilty by association.

(2) Four days after 9/11, San Diego F.B.I. Special Agent Stephen Butler appeared at Munther’s home and asked if he was funding my work. No one contacted me. One of the two agents accompanying Butler spoke with a distinctly Israeli accent.

(3) When Munther sought to help me: (a) a member of his extended family was murdered, (b) his pregnant daughter was terrorized by a bank robber (both crimes remain unsolved), (c) he was sequestered in a military facility just prior to the invasion, (d) his passport was confiscated when he and I sought to meet with Jordan’s King Abdullah II prior to the invasion, and (e) he was repeatedly harassed by agents from the F.B.I. and the Defense Intelligence Agency. That harassment included Israeli Mossad agents posing as F.B.I. agents—as confirmed by the Washington office of the F.B.I.

(4) In March 2001, six months prior to 9/11, Lt. General Arie Kumaat, head of Indonesian Intelligence, briefed me in Jakarta on evidence of Israeli pre-staging for a global operation and an Israeli attempt to bribe the Indonesian Parliament to push the U.S. out of the region in favor of China. [See Chapter 4, The China Connection.]

(5) Post-9/11, General Kumaat was murdered (poisoned) within days of agreeing to set meetings for me to brief former Indonesian President Wahid on what I knew was false intelligence about Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Arie and I knew that briefing would lead to meetings with other Muslim heads of state. [See Chapter 3. The Indonesian Connection.]

Why the sensitivities about my relationship with Munther Ghazal? Due to his family background and the facts we uncovered while meeting in Baghdad with senior members of the regime more than 4-1/2 years prior to 9/11. When these facts are considered in light of my life experience, it becomes clear that this systemic criminality, including ongoing treason, traces to a common source.

Our Trip to Iraq

On 9/11, Munther was the Iraqi closest to Saddam Hussein living in the U.S. After the Gulf War of 1991 (Operation Desert Storm), he relocated his family to the U.S. with Saddam’s approval. The senior member of a prominent Chaldean Christian family that traces its heritage to antiquity, his father founded the Baghdad Hotel in the 1950s. Designed and built by the Swiss who also trained the staff, theirs was the first 5-star hotel in the Middle East with 222 rooms on 20 acres along the Tigris River. After Saddam and Barzan nationalized their property, Munther built the Diana Hotel across the Tigris from Saddam’s massive palace that today houses the U.S. embassy. His grandfather helped found Baghdad College in 1932, an elite Jesuit prep school attended by the children of every faith whose families provided Iraq’s leaders.[1]

Through Jordan’s King Hussein, former U.N. Ambassador Glenn Olds arranged for our journey into and out of Iraq by way of Amman. Assistance was also provided by Landrum Bolling, then head of Mercy Corps, a life-long friend to Glenn and also a friend of the late King. Glenn served as an adviser to my father (1945-1979) and as my senior adviser from 1994 until his death in March 2006 at age 85. Glenn met with Munther before advising me to travel with him to Iraq.

After days of in-depth discussions with key members of the regime, including Iraqi nuclear physicist Dr. Nidhal al-Hamdani, I returned from Baghdad in February 1997 with:

  • Evidence of no nuclear weapons of mass destruction (WMD),
  • A credible proposal from Iraq’s senior sheikhs to remove Saddam without a war,
  • Clear indications of Saddam assent knowing that his reign was over, and
  • An offer to provide U.S. firms with 60% of the $160 billion in reconstruction contracts and many of the concessions for the largest oil fields in Iraq.

Not until December 2015 was a classified report released confirming that Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld suppressed key intelligence in 2002 that cast great doubt on the reliability of the nuclear WMD intelligence cited as the key rationale for the invasion of Iraq. A Joint Chiefs of Staff report of September 9, 2002 conceded: “Our knowledge of the Iraqi (nuclear) weapons program is based largely—perhaps 90%—on analysis of imprecise intelligence.”[2] Rumsfeld withheld this key assessment from Secretary of State Colin Powell, C.I.A. officials and others

Instead, this report was “disappeared” by Rumsfeld, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and Douglas Feith, head of a newly established Pentagon Office of Special Plans created to assess intelligence. The WMD intelligence has since been confirmed as not just false but “fixed” around goals long sought by (predominantly Jewish) neoconservatives in their support of Israel’s long-sought goals. In a candid appraisal of the Joint Chiefs’ report challenging the WMD intelligence, Rumsfeld conceded, “This is big.”[3]

This report was made to disappear by those who knew that Munther’s and my experience in Iraq in February 1997 confirmed what the Joint Chiefs revealed 5-1/2 years later: Those who deceived the U.S. to wage their unwinnable war manipulated intelligence to take us into a conflict meant to undermine our national security, damage our global standing and further weaken our confidence in government. As my life experience can prove, that war was meant to weaken the U.S. while strengthening an ascendant China and advancing Israel’s goals.

Vice-President Dick Cheney and Lewis Libby, his (Jewish neocon) Chief of Staff, aided Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and Feith in that duplicity. Both Cheney and Libby sought (unsuccessfully) to pressure the C.I.A. to find a link between Iraq and Al Qaeda.[4] Instead, former C.I.A. Director, James Woolsey, a neocon foreign policy adviser to Donald Trump, promoted that nonexistent link by alleging a meeting in Prague between 9/11 terrorist Mohammad Atta and a senior Iraqi official.[5]

Not until December 2016 was it revealed by C.I.A. officer John Nixon that Saddam Hussein, when interrogated about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, admitted that it was a mistake for him not to make clear before the war that he had long since gotten rid of them.[6]

A View from the Inside

The accompanying photograph shows my meeting with nuclear physicist Dr. Nidhal al-Hamdani in her Baghdad office. When she picked up her phone to greet Saddam in Arabic, I snapped this photo despite being told by her guards that photographs were prohibited. To prove I took it, I included the corner of a leather briefcase crafted for me in Italy.

King Hussein of Jordan provided security for me to enter and exit Iraq. On the first Saturday in February 1997 at the end of Ramadan, he called Saddam to wish him a happy feast day (Eid). That was the story reported in the press. In truth, his call informed Saddam when Munther Ghazal and I were expected at the Jordanian border where King Hussein’s personal security detail would escort us back to Amman. If we were not there at the agreed-to time, he had secured authorization from Saddam to dispatch a Jordanian helicopter to locate us on the road to Amman (he had Saddam provide us a GPS tracker).

On the day of our departure, Dr. Salah Al-Hadithi came to my room at the Al-Rasheed Hotel to tell me Saddam was quite happy to hear from King Hussein because, pre-Gulf War, they did a lot of business together. He also told me a car was enroute to pick up Munther at his home and we must rush to our rendezvous point as Saddam preferred that Jordanian aircraft not violate Iraqi airspace.

Saddam’s call to Dr. Hamdani while I was in her office and the call he accepted from King Hussein were his first calls on open phone lines for several years. Knowing how closely his calls were being monitored, both calls were meant to signal intelligence agencies—particularly ours—that they should take seriously the content of what we discussed and the proposal with which I returned to the U.S. The call that he took from King Hussein was the first time the Jordanian leader spoke with Saddam since just after the Gulf War in 1991.

Had I been engaged on my return from Iraq, the war could have been prevented. Rather than interview me in good faith, F.B.I. agents in the Minneapolis office sought to discredit me. That operation included an attempt to frame me for a 1995 fraud orchestrated by Israeli agent Jerome Corsi and financed by Cincinnati multi-billionaire Carl Lindner whose American Financial Group website describes him as “the nation’s largest non-Jewish contributor to Jewish causes.” Minneapolis is also where terrorist Zacarias Moussaoui (aka the “20th hijacker”) received flight training and where his computer, had it been examined, would have revealed planning for 9/11. [See Chapter 5, The Poland Connection]

As I will show, had my life experience been investigated in a timely fashion and the facts followed wherever they may lead, the lengthy pre-staging required for 9/11 could have been uncovered and that mass murder provocation prevented. Then as now, those complicit do not see it in their interest to follow these facts wherever they may lead.

Pre-Staging False Intelligence

As mentioned, Munther was invited to Afghanistan in March 2000 to discuss a potential oil pipeline deal with Mullah Mohammed Omar, a senior Taliban leader. He asked that I join him. Had we traveled to Kabul, that meeting would have pre-staged him as the alleged—and still missing—“high-level contact” between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda through the Taliban—even though the secular Saddam was known to detest Islamic extremists. When asked if I would accompany him, I responded, “Munther, are you out of your mind? Why would we go to Afghanistan to meet with the Taliban? If they steal your money, how will you get it back?” Smelling a set up by the same parties stalking me, I persuaded him to decline the invitation.

A year later, in March 2001, I flew to Jakarta at the request of Indonesian Intelligence Chief Arie Kumaat who had uncovered Israeli pre-staging of an operation six months prior to 9/11. [See Chapter 3, The Indonesia Connection] He described for me an Israel-orchestrated bribe of the Indonesian Parliament meant to force the U.S. out of the region in favor of China. Having earlier monitored the presence in Jakarta of Jewish neoconservative Paul Wolfowitz as U.S. Ambassador to Indonesia, 1986-89, Indonesian intelligence had real concerns about sharing this finding with our pro-Israel State Department. Arie knew firsthand the presence of Israeli operations inside our embassies and the virtual control that the Israel lobby wields over U.S. foreign policy. The collaboration uncovered between Tel Aviv and Beijing confirmed a strategic vulnerability concealed in plain sight by U.S. confidence in our ill-advised “special relationship” with Israel. As my life experience proves, that relationship obscures a systemic form of ongoing treason.

Due to my relationship with Glenn Olds and his lengthy friendship with former President George H.W. Bush dating to 1947, Lt. General Kumaat sought a back channel to convey this intelligence to President George W. Bush. Those who advised “Dubya” are those my life experience can prove are the true extremists behind 9/11. What Arie uncovered adds to that proof. The first photo of us (see below) was taken in Jakarta in March 2001 featuring Arie, his wife Marie, his niece and his son, Henrie, who served as interpreter for our meetings. Our initial discussion was held in a secure facility in Jakarta. Our second meeting was convened on a private island controlled by the military. The six other men featured in the photo are security personnel armed with automatic weapons.

The second photo was taken in Oregon near Pacific City where Henrie and I briefed Glenn on intelligence confirming that Israel is not a friend but an enemy within that, as we now know, was then pre-staging the mass murder provocation of 9/11. Henrie traveled with me to the U.S. to convey firsthand to Glenn the request from his father because Arie, as head of intelligence, could not enter the U.S. to discuss his concerns with Glenn without triggering Secret Service protection—that he did not want.

Tony Blair, G.W. Bush and Colin Powell

When we briefed Glenn in March 2001, he did not yet fully understand the existential threat to the U.S. posed by the U.S.-Israel relationship. After 9/11, he apologized for not fully grasping what my life experience proves. Plus, by then those who produced the Bush II presidency had so thoroughly isolated the dysfunctional Dubya that not even his father could reach him to share his concerns. That’s why, in the run-up to the war in Iraq, the father and Brent Scowcroft, his former National Security Adviser, spoke out against the invasion of Iraq.

Immediately after 9/11, I traveled to the capitals of Europe at the end of November. After meeting at the Hague, I traveled to Brussels where I briefed two senior staff to the European Union.[7] After meetings with Belgium Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt (then serving a rotating six-month presidency of the European Commission), I traveled to London the last week of December 2001 where I was denied a request to brief U.K. Foreign Secretary Jack Straw in the Tony Blair government.

Soon thereafter, European Commission President Verhofstadt insisted that the U.S. present its case for war against Iraq to the U.N. Security Council before taking action contrary to the non-aggression principle of the U.N. Charter. His insistence delayed by 15 months the U.S.-led invasion. The U.N. buildings were constructed on land acquired with funds donated by my grandfather at my father’s urging. [The exhibits include a December 19, 2001 letter to me from Prime Minister Verhofstadt.]

Field-based Warfare

On February 5, 2003, Secretary of State Colin Powell was induced—by those he trusted—to offer false testimony to the Security Council meant to persuade a skeptical global public that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, including mobile biological weapons laboratories. When he turned to nuclear weapons, his testimony began with a statement that he could not have made had I been engaged six years earlier: “We have no indication that Saddam Hussein has ever abandoned his nuclear weapons program.” (emphasis added)

I wrote to him that same day describing who had deceived him and why. General Powell has since acknowledged that this testimony was his greatest mistake in a long and distinguished career. He has yet to disclose who deceived him or why.[8] Not until December 2015 was it revealed that Defense Secretary Rumsfeld deceived him about the reliability of the intelligence alleging Iraqi WMD.[9]

The globally televised testimony by Secretary of State Powell offers a classic example of how Israel wages “field-based” warfare in plain sight yet non-transparently. In this case, the weaponry deployed was not just the pre-staging of false intelligence fixed around Israeli goals but also how that intelligence was injected into a global field of consciousness using the celebrity and credibility of this former four-star General to help create a consensus opinion (albeit false) about Iraqi WMD.

At age 52, Colin Powell became the nation’s youngest-ever Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. By using his celebrity to market this false testimony and by associating that testimony with his credibility—personal properties imbedded in the public’s shared field of consciousness—this fraud was lent the appearance of truth sufficient to advance Israel’s long-sought goals. In practical effect, the facts were displaced with false beliefs, an ancient means of manipulation and a core competence of those I profiled while being stalked my entire life.

The person of Colin Powell was incidental; the field-based properties of celebrity and credibility provided the means (the psy-ops weaponry) to deceive in plain sight—by replacing the facts required for informed choice with what the target (a naive public) could be deceived to believe. Israelis also routinely deploy “correspondence” as a from of psy-ops to deceive—as here with the “bleedover” of Powell’s integrity lending credibility to this false intelligence.

A Well-Timed Murder

After my December 2001 briefings in Brussels, I sought to alert leaders of Muslim nations to the Israeli source of the false intelligence deployed to support a War on Terror narrative. Lt. General Kumaat was poisoned in January 2002 just days after agreeing to set a meeting for me to brief former Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid who also served as a religious leader for 80 million moderate Muslim men in a nation with the world’s largest Islamic population. When murdered, Arie had arranged for me to brief President Wahid on how my life experience can prove the common source both of the pre-staging for 9/11 and the phony intelligence deployed to induce the U.S. to react to that provocation by waging two unnecessary and unwinnable wars. Those wars, in turn were guaranteed to set in motion immigration forces that fractured Europe.

On July 6, 2016, the U.K. government released the long-anticipated report of the Chilcot Inquiry published after a seven-year investigation into how the U.K. was induced to join the U.S. in waging an ill-advised war when Iraq posed “no imminent threat” and the war undermined the authority of the U.N. Security Council. In November 2015, I provided evidence to Sir John Chilcot confirming that, had I been engaged in good faith on my return from Iraq in February 1997, the war could have been prevented. Only recently have media outlets reported on the systemic influence of the Israel lobby in the U.K.[10]

My submission to the Chilcot Inquiry also described my attempt to brief Foreign Minister Jack Straw in December 2001 and provided copies of the 17 letters received from 10 Downing Street from 2005-2007 while Tony Blair was Prime Minister. Though the Chilcot report criticized Blair for his decision-making, Israeli influence on his decision-making was downplayed and not mention was made of who prevented timely engagement with what my files can prove. I am confident that neither Blair nor Bush knowingly lied; the question remains: on whose lies were they induced to rely? Who—precisely who—orchestrated the geopolitical deception that undermined confidence in democratic decision-making not only in the U.S. and the U.K. but worldwide?

Domestic Terrorism

In mid-February 2003, I set a meeting in Tucson, Arizona for Munther Ghazal, Glenn and Eva Olds, Jeff Gates, my counsel Ron Burd and me to discuss a regional economic development model for the Middle East—five weeks before the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Consistent with a shared prosperity strategy crafted by Glenn and my father in the 1970s,[11] this model offered widespread stakeholder ownership combined with asset-backed monetization designed to sustain the broad-based purchasing power required for stable and healthy communities.[12]

Nine days prior to that scheduled meeting, a member of Munther’s extended family was murdered. The victim, 19-year old Patrick Hammara, was a cousin of Munther’s daughter-in-law and a student at the University of California San Diego. After Patrick’s execution-style death (a bullet to the head), an investigation by San Diego detectives uncovered no motive, no clues and no leads.[13] Knowing this murder was meant to send him a message, Munther canceled his participation in our meeting.

Patrick was the nephew of two Iraqi businessmen with extensive experience in Saudi Arabia and Libya who were then visiting the U.S. One uncle had been a German citizen for four decades. Both owned companies specializing in off-grid power and had contracts for providing diesel-powered off-grid energy in Saudi Arabia. They expressed a strong interest in NewRock’s shared prosperity model for widely distributed renewable energy to catalyze bottom-up development, secure local currencies and promote the political stability essential to economic development.

When I met with the German uncle in Europe during the 2003 Christmas holidays to discuss a contract for Pollux, a product developed by an Austrian firm to remediate oil-polluted soil,[14] he described how, as he departed the U.S., he was ordered by U.S. immigration officials to have no further dealings with me. He was also assured that, if he disclosed who threatened him, he would never again be granted a U.S. visa. The uncle remained frightened because those threatening him identified themselves as U.S. officials—again confirming the scope of this transnational criminality. The perpetrators have done this to me for decades to financially undermine this work.

I drove from our mid-February 2003 meeting in Tucson directly to East San Diego County to meet with Munther Ghazal, a 400-mile trip requiring about six hours. An hour prior to my arrival, he received a call from an agent in the Defense Intelligence Agency (D.I.A.). Munther played for me his recording of the voicemail. D.I.A. personnel thereafter led the serial stalking, harassment and intimidation of Munther and his family along with F.B.I. agents from the San Diego office. By then, Bush-era Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz had authority to direct D.I.A. operations. That incident also coincides with the time period when former President George H.W. Bush was blocked from speaking with his son, the president, who sought to persuade him not to order the invasion.

Engaging an Enemy Within

On my return from Baghdad in February 1997, regional specialists at the State Department declined my offer of a briefing, including country specialists for Jordan and Iraq. Instead they insisted I first speak with Richard Haass who did not return my three calls. Haass was then director of foreign policy studies at the Brookings Institution in Washington.[15] Four years later, this Jewish native of Brooklyn, New York emerged as Director of Policy Planning at the State Department for the first two war-planning years of the George W. Bush presidency. Four months after the invasion began, Haass was appointed President of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) where he remains.[16] My Uncle David, a key financial supporter, was then serving as honorary co-chairman of the CFR along with A.I.G. Chairman Hank Greenberg.

The Haass appointment to that senior State Department post helped limit the range of post-9/11 policy options at a time when efforts were underway to ensure that alternatives to war were not only available but also acceptable to the Iraqis and designed to enhance region-wide stability. Contrary to the policies that pro-Israeli neocons induced U.S. leaders to pursue post-9/11, those options were also aligned with our true national interests, the interests of our allies and the interests of Iraqis.

Without the Holocaust, No Israel. When Mr. Haass was appointed, my Uncle David and A.I.G. Chairman and CEO Maurice “Hank” Greenberg were serving as honorary vice-chairmen of the Council which was founded at the Majestic Hotel in Paris following the Paris Peace Conference and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles ending WWI. The onerous reparations terms imposed by that treaty catalyzed the extreme German nationalism that became the National Socialist German Workers’ Party, helping trigger WWII. Absent the mass murder of the WWII Holocaust, Zionist Christian Democrat Harry Truman could not have recognized an enclave of religious extremists as a legitimate state in May 1948 over the strenuous objections of Secretary of State General George Marshall, the diplomatic corps, the Joint Chiefs and the C.I.A. Absent the mass murder of September 11, 2001, Zionist Christian Republican George W. Bush could not have ordered the invasion of Iraq in response to that mass murder provocation while ignoring the cautionary comments of Secretary of State Colin Powell: “If you break it, you own it.”

When I contacted the Clinton White House and the office of Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, neither returned my calls. Glenn had known Madeleine Albright since she was a teen. Yet neither she nor Bill Clinton returned his calls. While Clinton and Albright could plausibly ignore me, they could not ignore former U.N. Ambassador Glenn Olds—yet both did. After Clinton’s first two disastrous years as president, he asked that Glenn help reorganize his Cabinet. Glenn declined.

While in Baghdad in 1997, I told those I met that Bill Clinton was unlikely to reconcile with Iraq despite what its leadership had been led to believe. Not until December 2016 did C.I.A. interrogator John Nixon confirm: “In Saddam’s mind, the two countries were natural allies in the fight against extremism and, as he said many times during his interrogation, he couldn’t understand why the United States did not see eye to eye with him.”[17]

By then it was clear to me that U.S.-Iraq relations were being manipulated by Israel to stage another crisis in the region. The self-absorbed Saddam played his role to perfection as the scripted “fall guy” whose notoriety for brutality enabled his portrayal as an epic Evil Doer whose removal was worthwhile—despite his known lack of any connection to 9/11, his known hatred of Islamic extremists and the known absence of WMD.

Casting the Iraqi dictator as the leading man in an Axis of Evil morality play[18] enhanced the plausibility of a “global war on terrorism” and advanced a national narrative catalyzed with the publication in 1996 of a widely marketed book, The Clash of Civilizations. Saddam’s invasion of Kuwait succeeded in branding him a threat to world peace. Global marketing of the “Butcher of Baghdad” created a critical mass of consensus opinion around the desirability and even the rationality of a U.S.-led regime change in Iraq long sought by Tel Aviv. One year after 9/11, 69% of Americans surveyed in a September 2002 Washington Post/ABC poll believed that Saddam Hussein was involved in those attacks. The displacement of facts with manipulated beliefs remains a key form of psy-ops deployed by those profiled.

The Enemy Within

Four days after 9/11, Paul Wolfowitz argued in a principals’ meeting at Camp David that the U.S. should invade Iraq even though Osama bin Laden was thought to be in Afghanistan. On that same day, San Diego F.B.I. Special Agent Stephen Butler, a second F.B.I. agent and an unidentified third person appeared at Munther’s home to ask if he was funding my work. Munther told them that was an inappropriate question and urged them to speak with me. Judging by his accent, Munther believes the third person was Israeli. The F.B.I. has yet to question me about what my experience can prove about the common source of this duplicity and the costs it continues to impose on the U.S.[19]

Agent Butler had only one other question: “Who was responsible for 9/11?” Munther replied: “Israeli intelligence and Saudi financial support.” Only later was it revealed that Agent Butler paid rent and cashed checks for two of the 9/11 Saudi hijackers who flew jets into the World Trade Center. A former C.I.A. Director later confirmed that complex operation required a decade of planning by a stable nation state with an intelligence operation inside the U.S.—criteria that disqualified Osama bin Laden as the sole perpetrator regardless of his personal wealth as a member of a prominent Saudi family.[20]

While in Iraq, I described for Munther how thoroughly those stalking me influenced the U.S. government. He did not believe me. After the F.B.I. visit to his home on September 15, 2001, he phoned and mentioned our agreed-to code word signaling we needed an emergency face-to-face meeting. When we met at our prearranged location, we drove around for a half hour while he calmed down. Though he had dealt for years with Saddam Hussein, a brutal despot, he was unnerved when F.B.I. agents made inquiries about me just four days after 9/11, confirming the depth of the (predominantly Jewish) corruption that I warned him about in 1997.

While in Baghdad, I briefed him on how Zionists used the circumstances of my birth to preclude my father’s presidency, how the Kennedy assassination was a Zionist operation and how Israel and its lobby wield virtual control over the Congress and seek control of the Office of the President. His post-9/11 response to the briefing I provided four years and seven months prior to 9/11:

Mel, I respect you but I did not believe what you told me in Baghdad until the visit to my home today. I did not believe you when you told me and Dr. Hamdani that those close to Saddam were in fact working for Israel, setting him up to be the fall guy. Nor did I believe you when you told me that the Israelis had been doing this to U.S. leaders for decades. When Agent Butler asked if I was funding you, in effect he was telling me not to help you. That proved to me you are correct about all of this.

Based on what was done in the U.S. to Munther and his family—under the color of law—he began to wonder aloud if, for their security, he should have relocated them to Switzerland where they could be protected by the rule of law rather than serially stalked by those hiding behind it.

Foreseeable Outcomes

Prior to the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq on March 23, 2003, Jeff and I had several lunches with Munther at a hotel on Coronado Island where he told us:

(a) The first thing that will happen is the moderate clerics in Iraq will be murdered. He was correct. Those murders paved the way for the emergence of radical Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr and his Madhi Army with a stronghold in Mosul where more than 100 Israeli Mossad agents had been stationed for a decade prior to the U.S.-led invasion.[21] In January 2014, Mosul became the first major city in Iraq taken over by the anti-American Sunni extremists of ISIL/ISIS. Much of the cash flown into Iraq by the U.S. is believed to have been stored in banks in Mosul. In May 2016, those Shias loyal to al-Sadr temporarily occupied the heavily fortified Green Zone in downtown Baghdad to display their virtual control over the Iraqi government.

(b) If the U.S. allies with London-based Ahmad Chalabi (then accused of a $300 million fraud involving Jordan’s Petra Bank), everyone in the region will view U.S. motives as suspect. U.S. Senator John McCain, a reliable Israeli asset,[22] and Senator Joe Lieberman, a self-described Jewish Zionist, sponsored Chalabi’s visits to the U.S. beginning in 1991. Journalist Judith Miller routinely featured Chalabi’s false intelligence on the front page of the pro-Israeli New York Times, a publication that proved critical in granting credibility to the geopolitical fraud that persuaded lawmakers to rely on intelligence “fixed” around Israeli goals. Only after the invasion did the Times publisher (Sulzberger) apologize for the duplicity that took us to war—aided by a widely read publication (the nation’s “newspaper of record”) featuring a Jewish publisher.

(c) If the U.S. invades and removes Saddam, we will ignite a long-simmering civil war between Sunnis and Shias that will destroy Iraq, ensure many deaths and lead to an Iraqi alliance with Shia-dominant Iran. In terms of game theory warfare, that outcome was probabilistic in advancing Zionist goals to control the vast hydrocarbon reserves of both nations.

It soon became clear that the (predominantly Jewish)[23] neocons intended with this game theory-modeled warfare to push moderate Sunnis in the region to support Israel in its long-sought war against the Shias of Iran—as a means for “securing the realm.”[24] That carefully chosen phrase (realm) refers not to the “Jewish state” (implying fixed borders) but to the far more expansive Land of Israel that The Chosen—in the lineage of King David—believe they are entitled to rule. That’s exactly what happened.

This latest unnecessary and unwinnable war had long been sought as a means to expand Israeli influence in the region—as shown by its (game theory model-able) alliance with the Sunnis of Saudi Arabia and other key member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council. With a population of just 1.2 million Emirati (in a population of six million), the UAE emerged as the world’s fourth largest weapons buyer. Since 2015, Saudi royals have contracted for ~$130 billion in arms purchases from the U.S. plus $4.3 billion from the U.K. Those weapons and munitions are now being deployed to advance Israeli goals (“the enemy of my enemy is my friend”). The success of this Israeli strategy was on display in Riyadh in May 2017 when asset Donald Trump, at the urging of son-in-law and Chabad Lubavitch devotee Jared Kushner, appeared in the kingdom to celebrate another arms deal.

With Americans’ enthusiasm for Israel on the decline, Tel Aviv is allying with wealthy and well-armed Saudis. By funding fundamentalist Islamic teachings of hate-mongering madrassas, Saudi royals built a foundation for instability, pre-staging the emergence of hate-mongering ISIS fundamentalists. As though on cue, ISIS extremists emerged as the requisite Evil Doers for those marketing The Clash of Civilizations. That war-mongering narrative—traceable to the same (predominantly Jewish) neoconservatives who deceived us to invade Iraq—enabled a seamless segue from the profitable Cold War narrative to the profitable Clash.[25]

These dynamics were all foreseeable—“probabilistic” in terms of game theory warfare—provided the U.S. could be deceived to dispatch its military to support the long game pursued by the (Jewish) elites and extremists who founded Israel for this purpose.

Chapter 2. The War in Iraq Could Have Been Prevented — Part 2

Systemic Corruption Confirmed

Munther Ghazal also confirmed that Agent Butler was the person later identified in San Diego newspapers who provided logistical support for the two 9/11 hijackers who took flight training in San Diego. In 2006, President Bush explained the rationale for a domestic surveillance program conducted by the National Security Agency (NSA). To justify that program, he described how NSA surveillance could have uncovered the two San Diego-based terrorists. In his May 2006 Senate confirmation hearing as Director of Central Intelligence, General Michael Hayden, then director of the National Security Agency (NSA), responded to a question about the San Diego hijackers by confirming that a domestic surveillance program would have identified them.

Munther confirmed that Agent Butler interrogated him numerous times. He first called me with this report on Agent Butler when he saw San Diego newspaper reports and recognized Butler as one of the agents who grilled him repeatedly.[26] Munther also reported that Agent Butler informed him that Zacarias Moussaoui was spotted in San Diego before he relocated to Minneapolis where he emerged as the so-called “20th hijacker”—in a venue to which I was drawn 15 years prior to 9/11.[27]

On November 25, 2001, ten minutes after I met with Munther at his home, F.B.I. agents intercepted him at his church—where he attends mass daily—and insisted on meeting with him. The following day he was driven in a GM Suburban with darkened windows to an undisclosed location where he was subjected to two days of intense grilling. Munther described how the agents repeatedly threatened to deport him if he consulted an attorney or told anyone about the interrogation.

On February 26, 2002, I phoned Munther to schedule a meeting the following day. An hour later, two F.B.I. agents appeared at his home and inquired about a Michigan company that allegedly sent $14 million to Iraq. Again no one from the F.B.I. contacted me (I am from Michigan). Thus their mention of Michigan as a code word meant to warn Munther about his relationship with me—without mentioning me. That question also signaled me that I would continue to receive no assistance from federal law enforcement—despite my ability to prove the common pro-Israel source of ongoing federal capital crimes, including treason. After 9/11, I intensified my efforts to have federal officials meet with me. In response, F.B.I and D.I.A. agents intensified their pressure on Munther to ensure he did not assist me.

Further Evidence of an Enemy Within

In late 2002, F.B.I. agents from Washington, D.C. met with Munther and assured him that several agents who interrogated him were not F.B.I. agents but Mossad agents. The F.B.I. urged that in the future he check for proper identification and contact the national office to confirm the identity of anyone seeking to interview him. Research will determine if those incidents led the F.B.I. to order a reported system-wide change in agent identification in that same timeframe.

Over a lengthy lunch on Coronado Island early in 2003, Munther described for Jeff and I an incident in which the car in which he and his wife were traveling was forced off the road when two vehicles were used to blind him with high-intensity lights from both the front and rear. Though familiar with such intimidation tactics in Iraq, he remains shocked that this behavior proceeds with legal impunity in the U.S. and with the complicity of agents within federal law enforcement.

The stalking—still ongoing—has been nonstop, much of it financial. For example, in March 2003, Munther scheduled a meeting with several well-to-do businessmen to support this work. East San Diego County is home to a large Chaldean Christian population of Iraqi ex-pats in which Munther is prominent. Just as I sat down to meet with those he had qualified to secure funding, he received a call on his cellphone and rushed from the room, ending the meeting. In a call to me that evening, he said, “Mel, I can’t tell you what happened until I see you face-to-face but what caused me to leave was an incident by those who do not want us to stop them.”[28]

When we met three days later, he explained that when he received the call, the bank where his only daughter works had just been robbed. She was six months pregnant with her first child and his first grandchild by his daughter. When the perpetrators entered the bank, one walked directly to her desk as a new accounts manager and pressed a shotgun against her abdomen. His daughter was not a teller with access to cash and was seated in a distant part of the lobby. Traumatized, she required sedation and remained hospitalized until the child was born. Munther and I met later with the parties with whom he had abruptly canceled the meeting. In good faith, I had to disclose what happened and why this work needed their assistance. They declined to help for fear they would become targets of those who, once again, proved their tireless genius for well-timed crisis.

Federal agents confirmed for Munther that they had never seen such behavior in a bank robbery. When asked if he could explain why anyone would target his daughter, he declined to answer as he was doing his best not to alarm his family about what was being done to him (and them) to keep him from helping me stop President Bush from ordering an invasion of Iraq reliant on what we knew was false intelligence. The role played by D.I.A. agents suggests oversight by officials within the Pentagon with Deputy Defense Secretary Wolfowitz having the means, motive and opportunity.

Champions for Change

While in Iraq, the husband of Dr. Nidhal Al-Hamdani and Sudeai Hussein, an international lawyer and half-brother of Saddam Hussein, agreed to champion our region-wide “shared prosperity” model. This stability-enhancing strategy envisioned the participation of Iraq, Egypt, Jordan, Syria and several North African countries, including Libya. Yet on my return to the U.S., State Department officials declined to meet even though I had traveled to Iraq illegally (a travel ban was then in effect) and met with Dr. Hamdani, the Ph.D. nuclear physicist with oversight of a large industrial division that included Iraq’s mothballed nuclear program.

During a lengthy private conversation away from her handlers, Dr. Hamdani told me that, if Saddam had nuclear weapons, she would know. She also told me that, after Israel destroyed Iraq’s French-built Osiraq nuclear reactor north of Baghdad in June 1981, Saddam knew that the Israelis and their lobby would use their knowledge of any nuclear weapons program to mobilize the U.S. military and threaten his regime. Though he was a brutal dictator, she explained, he was not stupid.

While in Baghdad, I also met at length with Dr. Salah Al-Hadithi, a U.S. educated Ph.D. then serving as senior counselor to Saddam Hussein.[29] Dr. Al-Hadithi agreed with my assessment that the Israelis were behind the Emir of Kuwait’s war-catalyzing demand for the “repayment” of oil proceeds that Kuwait transferred to Iraq after, by agreement, Kuwait sold slant-drilled oil drawn from Iraqi reserves. Dr. Al-Hadithi confirmed that Saddam knew the Israelis had deceived him when he agreed to Kuwait’s sale of Iraqi oil to fund Iraq’s war against Iran. Saddam also suspected that Tel Aviv was behind the Emir’s demand for “repayment,” triggering Iraq’s invasion and, in response, the first Gulf War (Desert Storm). That war pre-staged Israeli’s long-sought regime change war in Iraq set in motion by the provocation of 9/11.

In hindsight, Saddam realized that his invasion of Kuwait was a strategic blunder that began when he agreed to allow Kuwait to sell Iraqi oil as a means for Baghdad to bypass OPEC production quotas.[30] Dr. Al-Hadithi agreed with Dr. Hamdani that Saddam could be removed provided an incremental process ensured his removal would not trigger a violent insurgency. Subsequent events suggest that those who blocked engagement with these facts meant to trigger just such a crisis.

Regime Change Without War

Facts on the ground confirmed that Saddam’s regime could be ended with measures short of war and without provoking an insurgency while implementing a stakeholder-inclusive development strategy to stabilize the region with a path to region-wide prosperity. Our confidence in Saddam’s removal was informed by what we encountered in January 1997.[31]

Dr. Hamdani was one of Saddam’s forced wives. When we met in her offices, she was initially quite reserved as Iraqi Intelligence had not yet interviewed me. After I confirmed that Munther had unknowingly brought a Mossad asset to our meeting (a Canadian), I chewed him out with no concern for who overheard our conversation. Saddam phoned her a half hour later while we were in her office.[32] After his call, she changed her attitude toward me. She told Munther that she would return me to the Al Rasheed Hotel after a visit to her family’s tribal well outside Baghdad. She used that excuse to get out of Baghdad so she could speak candidly with no one listening.

Her husband was a prominent Western-educated international lawyer who had served in Iraqi foreign ministry postings in Tokyo and New York. He also knew Glenn Olds, having first met him in Japan in the 1980s. With my father, Glenn raised funds to establish the U.N. University in Tokyo and oversaw curriculum development for U.N. General Secretary U Thant. I was unaware of any of this until she got me alone and, after her call from Saddam, confided in me. With her two bodyguards nearby but out of earshot, she said:

Mel, after you went off on Munther, I was sure I could trust you. I have known Munther since we were children and what you said to him I have said many times. He allows himself to be used.[33]

Saddam came to our home when my son, who you met this morning, was 18 months old [he was 15 in 1997]. With two judges present, my husband and I were divorced on Saddam’s order. He then took me for two years as one of his wives. When he was done with me, he divorced me and I remarried my husband who you met with my son. My family has deep tribal roots and everyone knew that my son and husband would have been murdered had I refused Saddam.

When Saddam’s son Uday was shot, he had raped one too many daughters of prominent and powerful tribal sheikhs. The sheikhs’ operatives stopped Uday’s bulletproof Porsche in front of Iraqi Intelligence headquarters to impress on Saddam that his time was limited and that Iraq’s tribal leaders were no longer going to disregard what Saddam did to me and what his sons did to other women. After breaking Uday’s car window with a sledgehammer, they put a gun in his crotch and shot off his testicles. There was no reprisal from Saddam because he knows we are united to stop this. Saddam told others that Uday was attacked by Iranian extremists.

If you are serious and can get us the help we need, we trust Dr. Olds and I trust you. Saddam can be moved out over time if you can get your government to engage privately. Do not reveal what we have discussed unless you can get real help because otherwise Saddam will murder my family in front of me before he murders me.

Both Dr. Hamdani and Dr. Al-Hadithi made it clear what would happen if the U.S. invaded to take out Saddam with force: we would ignite the Shias, an ancient sect that the Ottomans could never control. Extremists would then be manipulated by the Mossad to destabilize the entire Middle East and North Africa while Israelis used serial crises to amass more influence over the region’s vast hydrocarbon wealth. Those familiar with the dynamics of game theory warfare understood that what has since happened would happen. The Sunni insurgency was no surprise to anyone knowledgeable about the volatile dynamics in the region. In terms of game theory math, the emergence of the Sunni extremists of ISIL/ISIS in response to Shia oppression was probabilistic.

When State Department specialists for the Middle East refused to meet with me and Richard Haass did not respond to three requests to brief him on my trip to Iraq, I traveled to Ottawa and met with Canadian officials. In April 1997, I went on a record with regional specialists in their Department of Foreign Affairs to ensure that no one could later deny that—but for Israel and its lobby—there was an attractive and feasible alternative to a U.S.-led war in Iraq—for Israel.[34]

At the time I could not fully disclose to the Canadians how I knew Saddam could be removed without a war. Disclosure would have endangered those with whom I met in Baghdad. What remains clear is this: with good faith engagement by my government, Saddam could have been removed without either a war or the resulting insurgency with the (game theory foreseeable) effect of engulfing the entire region in crisis and setting in motion a refugee crisis of historic proportions that was guaranteed to fracture European civil society—as it did. That probabilistic outcome, in turn, is fueling the emergence of anti-Muslim movements in those nations most affected.

A regional shared prosperity model could have created a foundation for stability. Instead we see an outcome consistent with the long-term goals of those known for their “tireless genius for crisis.” Or, as Mossad operatives describe the follow-on effects of their agent provocateur operations, “Once the orchestra starts to play, we just hum along.”[35]

Who Benefitted From the War in Iraq?

It was clear to anyone operating in good faith that Saddam was losing power. He was politically wounded and fast losing influence among the tribal sheikhs essential to retaining his rule in a nation as large of Iraq. As Dr. Hamdani told me in 1997, he did not have nuclear weapons and everyone knew it. Plus Al Qaeda viewed his secular state as an abomination. The idea that Saddam would join forces with Islamic fundamentalists had no credibility with anyone conversant with the region—as the (predominantly Jewish) neocons clearly were. The sheikhs had put Saddam and his psychopathic sons on notice that they had to go.[36]

In a 2016 interview by C.I.A. officer John Nixon who interrogated Saddam shortly after his capture, Mr. Nixon was asked, “Was Saddam worth removing from power?” Mr. Nixon responded, “I can speak only for myself when I say that the answer must be no. Saddam was busy writing novels in 2003. He was no longer running the government.” Mr. Nixon asserts that the C.I.A. had evidence this was the case prior to the invasion but that intelligence “was never relayed to policy makers and emerged only after the war.” By 2003, Mr. Nixon writes, the Iraqi leader had turned over the day-to-day running of the government to his aides. His detachment and disengagement meant that he “appeared to be as clueless about what was happening inside Iraq as his British and American enemies were.”

The only reason Saddam was able to stay in power was due to the influence of pro-Israelis inside our government who wanted him available post-9/11. Their “global war on terrorism” narrative required Saddam the Evil Doer as the repugnant poster boy when marketing the Axis of Evil and The Clash of Civilizations. To induce the U.S. to war in Iraq required a morally repulsive character whose regime change would advance Israeli interests in the region. In support of their false claim that Iraqi nuclear weapons endangered the U.S., pro-Israeli war-planners cited a low-level file clerk in Dr. Hamdani’s industrial division.

Yet no one in our State Department would meet with me when I returned with an offer of cooperation that included a person (Dr. Hamdani) who oversaw Iraq’s dormant nuclear program. The removal of Saddam Hussein without a war could have prevented the cascade of crises that now threaten security and stability worldwide while lending credence to the neocon’s agenda-advancing narrative, The Clash of Civilizations. The requisite hate-mongering (of Muslims) now accompanies the largest population of refugees and displaced persons (60 million) since World War II, triggering another crisis.

When I traveled to Ottawa for meetings in April 1997,[37] I conveyed an offer from Saddam relayed through Munther. During our visit, Munther met with Saddam and Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz, an invitation I declined. Munther also visited Uday in the hospital and Saddam’s family compound in Tikrit. Saddam’s offer granted U.S. firms the rights to 60 percent of Iraqi oil, including the huge Majnoon oil field near Basra (in Arabic, Majnoon means crazy due to its enormity), plus 60 percent of an estimated $160 billion in reconstruction costs, with the balance reserved for the European Union, Russia and China. Exxon, founded by my great-grandfathers William and John D., was mentioned as the preferred firm to develop the Majnoon reserves.

Munther had known Saddam and Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz for decades. Saddam offered his cooperation for three reasons: (1) to halt the bombing in the No-Fly Zone, an idea traceable to (Jewish neocon) Paul Wolfowitz when he served as Under Secretary of Defense for Policy during he presidency of G.H.W. Bush,[38] (2) to lift the sanctions,[39] and (3) to avoid what he anticipated would otherwise trigger a U.S.-led invasion promoted by Israel and its influential lobby. Dr. Hamdani described how the recent shift in Iraqi political dynamics caused Saddam to concede that his reign was drawing to a close and why he took no steps to apprehend those who castrated his son.

To confirm that the regime was serious about the proposal for normalizing relations with the U.S., Dr. Al-Hadithi relayed to me an account from the 1991 Gulf War that he said would be known only to Iraqi specialists in U.S. intelligence. As he explained, Toshiba designed Saddam’s phone system for command and control. British cement hardened his command bunkers. To sustain communication during an attack, Iraq relied on a combination of back-up power lines and radio transmission facilities. To underscore the seriousness of Saddam’s offer to normalize relations with the U.S., Dr. Al-Hadithi explained that “His Excellency” offered to have AT&T, the U.S. phone company, install Iraq’s phone system so that U.S. intelligence could monitor all calls.

Evil Doer Pre-Staging

Only in May 2009 was it revealed that an “enhanced interrogation technique” had been deployed with Congressional approval to extract information that could plausibly make a nonexistent link between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda in order to rationalize the regime change sought by Israel, using 9/11 as the Pearl Harbor-like provocation.[40] In hindsight, it’s clear there was no substantive link between the secular Saddam and the Al Qaeda fundamentalists who detested his secularism.


On the same day that F.B.I. agents interrogated Munther Ghazal about his financial support for me (four days after 9/11) and the same day that Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz argued in a principals’ meeting at Camp David that the U.S. should invade Iraq in response to the 9/11 attack,[41] Wolfowitz conceded the attack was “too sophisticated and complicated” for a “terrorist group to have pulled off by itself.”[42] He later assured anti-terrorism expert Richard Clarke: “You give bin Laden too much credit. He could not do all these things like the 1993 attack on New York, not without a state sponsor.” Clarke confirmed that all credible experts dismissed as groundless the Wolfowitz-alleged link between Osama bin Laden and the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center.[43]

Why was F.B.I. Special Agent Butler dispatched to ask Munther about me on the same day that Wolfowitz relied on false WMD intelligence to argue for an invasion of Iraq? Those complicit in stalking me needed to know—and wanted me to know—that no one would help me expose those responsible for 9/11. Based on the personality traits common to those I profiled, their combination of extreme arrogance, psychopathy and obsessive-compulsiveness compelled them to confirm—through the F.B.I.’s interrogation of Munther—that my account of facts confirming the lack of Iraq WMD was contained. By managing that key variable, Israeli war-planners could continue to market with confidence their false Iraqi WMD storyline and Saddam’s ties to 9/11 as rationales to invade Iraq. Future research will determine whether Paul Wolfowitz proposed an invasion of Iraq while the F.B.I. was interviewing Munther about me at his home near San Diego.

Without the emotionally wrenching provocation of 9/11, President Bush could not have been induced to order the invasion of Iraq despite his dysfunctions, including his evangelical Zionist Christian End Times beliefs that favored Israel’s agenda. As a recovering addict, Born Again True Believer Zionist Christian, his decision-making included his confidence that Jesus would not return until the Israelites recovered their homeland. His well known dysfunctions made him a perfect asset of those profiled.

Though a nation-state link was asserted by C.I.A. Director Michael Hayden as the force behind the lengthy pre-staging required for 9/11, Wolfowitz omitted any possibility of a link to Israel. Even now, no one has analyzed Israel’s role either from the perspective of game theory warfare or from a conventional criminal perspective of means, motive and opportunity—and the key element that only Israel could provide: stable nation-state intelligence operating with impunity inside the U.S. When Munther and I are interviewed, the motivation for stalking both of us will become apparent.

Nonstop Monitoring But No Investigation

The monitoring of my phone conversations with Munther became apparent when F.B.I. or D.I.A. agents routinely came to his home immediately after we spoke. As he explained, the agents must have been waiting nearby given the brief time between when we hung up and their arrival. Yet no one would interview me about what I can prove concerning the common source of this corruption.

The true extremists have good reason to fear what my life experience proves. In 2002, Munther and I agreed to travel to Jordan to meet with King Abdullah II. Dr. Hamdani had agreed to travel to Amman and join us to explain to the Jordanian leader that Iraq had no nuclear WMD. Using a phone line provided by Henrie Kumaat, son of Indonesian Intelligence Chief Arie Kumaat, I reached Dr. Hamdani in Baghdad and secured her agreement to travel to Amman for the meeting.

Over the phone, Munther and I confirmed the flight we would share from Amsterdam to Amman. Within a half hour of our discussion, F.B.I. agents appeared at Munther’s home and seized his Iraqi passport promising to return it in two weeks. I could not schedule a meeting with the Jordanian without Munther’s help and Munther could not travel without his passport. His passport was not returned until almost two years later, well after the invasion of Iraq began, setting in motion the game theory foreseeable crises that destabilized the entire region while also fracturing European civil society.

A good faith investigation could have determined why federal agents waited until that particular time—and those particular circumstances—to confiscate the passport of someone they knew had been living in the U.S. since the 1991 Gulf War. During his interviews with Pentagon personnel, one person present each time refused to show any identification even as his interrogators threatened to deport him if he disclosed to anyone the frequency or intensity of their interrogations.

After repeated harassment by F.B.I. and D.I.A. agents, Munther cut off all contact with me from 2004 until 2006. When he again initiated contact, F.B.I. agents again interrogated him and again asked with whom he had traveled to Iraq in 1997. Throughout his many interrogations, whenever a question was asked about his travel companion, he declined to mention me by name. Instead he told his interrogators that they knew my name and could readily check airline records for his seatmate on the January 1997 flight that we shared from Amsterdam to Amman.

After an F.B.I. agent came to his home four days after 9/11 to ask about me by name, Munther refused to put my name on any government record. He knew that the F.B.I. knew my identity. He declined to absolve them for their failure to follow-up with me post-9/11 after Agent Butler came to his home to inquire if he was funding me. Had the F.B.I then investigated in good faith the facts of my life experience, that evidentiary trail would have led to those complicit in the lengthy pre-staging required to perpetrate 9/11 as a pretense to invade Iraq as part of a long-sought Israeli agenda.

Life in Saddam’s Iraq

Munther is not easily intimidated. Before his departure from Iraq in 1991, he helped his father’s two Jewish partners escape across the Jordanian border in an air-conditioned compartment that his nephew built in the trunk of his Mercedes 600 limousine. Both men hailed from the oldest Jewish families in the region. When planning their escape, Munther took a taxi to their home to avoid detection. Due to his stature in Iraq, his car was not searched when they crossed the border into Jordan.

A month after they fled, Saddam found out, phoned Munther and told him to be in his office within the hour. As he told me, “Mel, he had never personally called me in the 18 years that he and his two brothers (half brothers) had known me. I knew when I got the call what he wanted to see me about.” He kissed his wife good-bye and, like the scene in the mobster movie, Donnie Brasco, removed his valuables and personal effects and left instructions for his wife uncertain whether he would return.

His instructions directed her to the escape plan that he kept in a secure vault in a secret room at the Diana Hotel that he built (and named after his only daughter) after Saddam nationalized the Baghdad Hotel. He showed me the hidden room containing the vault where he kept the plans for every palace Saddam ever built including one adjoining Babylon. Because Munther has a Master’s degree in mechanical and electrical engineering, Saddam had him review the mechanical, electrical and HVAC systems for every major project in Iraq.

When confronted with the fact that Munther aided their escape, he explained to Saddam that they had always been loyal to Saddam but the post-Gulf War climate in Iraq had changed and they no longer felt safe. Growing up around his father’s business partners, the two men became like uncles to him. When they requested his help, he could not refuse.

He told Saddam how he smuggled them out of Iraq but would not tell him who helped him. Saddam was furious. He leaned back in his chair and told Munther, “I have only two options. Execute you or forget this ever happened.” Munther believes he would have been shot on the spot but for the fact that he was then serving as the regime’s representative to the U.N. Commission on Human Rights, an appointment that followed his sponsorship of Mother Teresa’s visit in the post-Desert Storm period when she travelled to Iraq to care for the wounded.

As Munther explained to me, with Saddam he was dealing with pure evil yet he also knew the scope of that evil because it was apparent and transparent. But the evil he encountered in the U.S. deployed various techniques, including murder, to intimidate him and his extended family while neither the source nor the motive was ever revealed. Because he loves America and Americans, he has shown great courage in standing up to those operating inside our government who—under cover of law—sought to intimidate and silence him since our return from Iraq in February 1997.

For him, for his Americanized family, including grandchildren born here, and for me, government under the rule of law will remain meaningless until the expansive Israel lobby is required to register as foreign agents and those enabling Israeli operations in this country are held accountable at law. When a good faith, in-depth investigation is undertaken, the consistency of this stalking can prove the common source behind (a) the mass murder of 9/11 as a provocation meant to mobilize our military to destabilize the region as part of Israel’s long game, and (b) ongoing operations meant to bankrupt the U.S., beginning no later than post-WWII, in order to favor China. [See Chapter 4, The China Connection and Chapter 10, the Noble Lie.]

Under the Cover of Law

The last time Munther and I met face-to-face was in August 2006 at a Native American casino north of Phoenix. We spent two hours talking about family and what U.S. officials did to him. Consistent with a pattern of intimidation under cover of law, on his return to San Diego that evening, F.B.I. agents were waiting in a car just outside the gate to his family compound when he and his son, Michael, returned from our meeting. They took Munther to the Edward Schwartz Federal Building in downtown San Diego near where he was interviewed the previous week for his passport application. One of his interrogators (who refused to give her name) immediately asked about the status of his application.

The clear inference was that if he again spoke to me his application would be denied. With Shias emerging to control the Iraqi government and U.S. forces only temporarily in control of the Baghdad Hotel, Munther knew he could rely neither on the U.S. government nor the new Iraqi government to recover properties that include both the Baghdad Hotel and the Diana Hotel.[44] Their message was clear. If he continued speaking to me, he would not be issued a U.S. passport and would face difficulty recovering his considerable wealth. In a restored and secure Iraq, the value of those properties is several hundred million dollars. He understood why pressure was being applied and stopped speaking to me, a decision that I respected.

During their 2006 interrogation, F.B.I. agents also showed him photos of the two of us touring Babylon in 1997. Saddam arranged our tour, assigned a historian to accompany us and dispatched guards to prevent us from taking photographs of a nearby palace. Saddam built the palace adjoining Babylon anticipating its proximity would reduce the probability of it being bombed for fear of damaging a World Heritage site. The entire site was cordoned off for our visit. [The exhibits include several photos taken during our tour.]

A good faith investigation could determine how satellite photos of us touring Babylon came into the possession of federal authorities and why those photos were deployed for that purpose at that time and under those circumstances. Put Munther and I in the same room at the same time and our testimony will confirm the complicity of numerous federal officials operating under cover of lawful authority.

As of March 2018, no one from either the F.B.I. or any of our 17 intelligence agencies has interviewed me about these matters despite many attempts to engage those with line responsibility for federal law enforcement and national security. On April 12, 2004, Jeff hand-delivered a 154-page research compilation to more than 25 senior officials in the executive and legislative branches with responsibility for national security and federal law enforcement. Addressed to National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, copies of the memo were also delivered to 9/11 Commission Chairman Tom Kean, Vice Chairman Lee Hamilton and Executive Director Philip Zelikow. Though Commission staff interviewed more than 1,200 people, no one spoke with me. Israel was not implicated in the official version of those attacks and the Israel lobby ensured that hearings were not held on the motive for that mass murder.[45]

Pre-staging the U.S. Response

Munther and I traveled to Baghdad to assess Saddam’s intentions and to propose a strategy for anticipatory conflict management. The plan was to commit a portion of region-wide oil proceeds to fund education and technology transfer linked to bottom-up economic development. The proposal drew on a prosperity-sharing economic model that Glenn helped devise while serving as U.N. Ambassador in the Nixon Administration. He and my father had earlier collaborated on the successful adoption of stakeholder-inclusive models for sharing the natural resource wealth of Alaska and Norway.[46]

Iraq could have been spared the sectarian violence that now pits the once-dominant Sunnis against the demographically (and now politically) dominant Shias. Rather than Iraqis sharing an inclusive future, the country slipped into crisis, chaos, insecurity and fast-widening poverty, particularly among Sunnis. As Iraqi oil again began to flow, an audit found that hundreds of millions of dollars were illegally flowing out of the country. In addition, between 2003 and 2008, as much as $40 billion in U.S. currency was airlifted into Baghdad. Shipments of shrink-wrapped dollar bills included some 281 million Federal Reserve notes weighing 363 tons flown in on pallets into an unstable war zone.

This toxic mix of oil-derived and pallet-sized cash further radicalized the excluded Sunnis. When fired and disarmed by American occupation forces and further marginalized by the Shias who the Sunnis oppressed under Saddam’s rule, the Sunni reaction led to the well-financed Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). With ample funding and fueled by anti-American resentment, ISIL/ISIS extremists drew to their ranks the poor, disaffected and excluded. The ability of an extremist minority to deploy well-timed crises to virtually control the lives of a majority (as in Iraq, Libya and Syria) typifies how the minority I profiled can wield out-sized influence over a long-deceived majority in the U.S.

This same phenomenon typifies Israeli politics where an Orthodox minority dominates a majority that comprises the other 82% of Reform and Conservative Jews. The result sustains a political culture dominated by the most extreme elements of the Israeli Right. Their influence is further reinforced by Israeli political coalitions required to cater to their most extreme members in order to hold together a governing coalition. By pledging an “unbreakable bond” with the Jewish state, U.S. policy-makers enhance the power wielded over U.S. policy by the most extreme elements of Israeli society. In practical effect, this entangled alliance ensured that the most extreme elements within Judaism would dominate U.S. foreign policy—with Americans unaware that policy is not ours but theirs.

Chapter 2. The War in Iraq Could Have Been Prevented — Part 3

The Cost of Our Reaction


Cascading reactions to the U.S.-led invasion ensured an alliance between the numerically dominant Shias of Iraq and the Shias of Iran. That invasion-induced alliance, in turn, assured support for Israeli opposition to Iran from Israel’s former enemy, the House of Saud. The instability set in motion by the invasion led the wealthy six-member nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council to form a mutual defense pact aligned with Israel’s anti-Iran policies. Meanwhile, Sunni fundamentalists of Wahhabi Islam, with financial support from Saudi royals, continue to spread a hate-mongering version of Islam. Former Senator Bob Kerrey, a member of the 9/11 Commission, cautioned Riyadh: “You can’t provide the money for terrorists and then say, ‘I don’t have anything to do with what they’re doing.”[47]

In short, a game theory model-able cascade of reactions to the provocation of 9/11 enabled a duplicitous few within the Israeli Right to gain support for their extremist agenda both from a U.S.-led Western coalition and oil-rich Arab states.[48] Skilled at geostrategic duplicity and featuring a tireless genius for crisis, those profiled again proved adept at leveraging their small numbers to devastating effect, purposefully undermining not only the U.S. but every nation subjected to this hidden tax.

Deceived by our faith in intelligence fixed around Israeli goals, our invasion of Iraq ensured a victory for Tel Aviv as its enemies turned on each other and away from the need for a nuclear weapons-free Middle East and a long-overdue settlement of Israel’s 70-year occupation of Palestine.[49] Israeli goals advanced while the U.S. was portrayed as a bald aggressor, Americans’ faith in government continued its decades-long decline, and U.S. politics lurched to the political right.

To a fault, I have disclosed the truth to anyone I meet and, over time, the truth has caused those who know me not to want to risk further contact. I understand and have never judged them based on the real danger they face from those who hijacked our government from within. In 2013, I had an offer of $300,000 in cash assistance from a colleague in Miami who knew what my life experience proves. Enroute to our meeting, I pulled into a parking garage. As I exited my car, I was knocked unconscious and collapsed on the pavement. In good faith, I had to inform the donor what happened in a city dominated by those profiled. The offer was rescinded. I understood.

The annual cost for the Department of Homeland Security with its 240,000 employees now tops $40.6 billion. As these facts become known, taxpayers will question whether this agency was created to protect Americans from Islamic extremists or to protect from Americans the extremists who did this to America. My life experience proves that the source of this duplicity—still ongoing—traces to Israel, its lobby and its supporters. And to their ability to openly deceive through a network of agents, assets and sayanim (Hebrew for volunteers) as explained in Chapter 7 (A Primer on Duplicity).

My life experience proves that those who fixed the intelligence to induce us to wage unnecessary and unwinnable wars have long exerted virtual control over U.S. foreign policy through the US/Israeli relationship, the influence of their expansive lobby and their out-sized impact on U.S. elections.

Stability by Design

In the fast-changing political environment we encountered in Iraq, Munther and I found a receptive climate for our regional development plan both within the regime and among those familiar with the concerns of tribal leaders. I met with the president of Baghdad University, the head of the medical school and other Iraqi leaders. All those with whom I spoke recognized that Saddam’s brutal reign was coming to an end. Yet everyone also knew that, due to ancient tribal animosities that have long plagued the region, broad-based inclusion was required as a stabilizing foundation on which democratic institutions could be built to moderate those animosities.

That plan included easing Saddam off the political scene over an agreed-to period. As Dr. Hamdani stressed, any sudden removal by force would trigger a violent insurgency certain to worsen regional tensions, particularly given the political ascendancy of the demographically dominant Shias and their hatred for the Sunnis who staffed Saddam’s brutal regime. That prospect would become a virtual certainty, she cautioned, were he forcibly removed by a foreign power closely allied with Israel and with the support of a lobby long known for its virtual control of U.S. foreign policy, as proven by America’s steadfast support for Israel’s decades-long occupation of Palestine.

The proposal also envisioned the U.S. conceding partial responsibility for certain atrocities by admitting that U.S. firms supplied key ingredients used to produce the chemical weapons deployed by Saddam against Kurdish villages during the Iran-Iraq War of 1980-1988. A Congressional investigation led by Michigan Senator Don Riegle confirmed that U.S. companies provided the bulk of those ingredients. American scientists and representatives from Kissinger Associates remained in Iraq as late as a month before Operation Desert Storm began the first Gulf War in 1991.[50]

Donald Rumsfeld, President Reagan’s envoy to the Middle East, met with Saddam Hussein in Iraq in December 1983. In a November 1984 White House ceremony, the Reagan Administration restored full diplomatic relations with Iraq.[51] Throughout Iraq’s 8-year war with Iran, the U.S. provided arms and munitions to Baghdad and, through Tel Aviv, supplied Tehran in a war that left more than one million casualties. Those who produced the Reagan presidency stoked long-simmering Shia-Sunni tensions that were unleashed when U.S. leaders were deceived to order the March 2003 invasion. In terms of the math underlying game theory warfare, the emergence of ISIL/ISIS was probabilistic—aided by animosities heightened during the Iran-Iraq war.

The Cost of Unwinnable Wars

On my return from Baghdad in February 1997 with an in-country offer for removing Saddam and normalizing U.S.-Iraq relations, American firms were to receive a majority (60 percent) of the reconstruction contracts and oversee the work. Saddam had signed a $1.5 billion contract to “green” the western part of Iraq using France’s leading firm for water-related engineering. Additional contracts had been negotiated with Russia and Japan. He wanted AT&T, the U.S.-based phone company, to reconstruct his telecom network hoping that heightened transparency would hasten a return to the normal relations with the U.S. that he enjoyed pre-Gulf War (Desert Storm).

He cited the fact that, had U.S. firms built his telecom network pre-Gulf War, we would have known that, when all the phone switches were knocked out, he was still communicating with his Republican Guard through a backup system created when Toshiba built Iraq’s telecom network. This first contract was for him a sign of good faith regarding his intentions with the U.S. Instead, post-invasion, China emerged as the largest beneficiary of Iraq’s post-Saddam oil boom.[52] [See Chapter 4, the China Connection.]

Likewise for our war in Afghanistan where China secured the rights to vast copper deposits in Logar Province and emerged as the largest beneficiary of other major mineral deposits, including huge veins of iron, cobalt, gold and critical rare earth industrial metals such as the lithium used in batteries.[53] With mining specialists describing Afghanistan as the “Saudi Arabia of lithium,” China is positioned to eclipse other nations—including the U.S.—in the production of lithium-using cellphones, computers and battery-powered transport.

When the U.S. was induced to wage two unwinnable wars, U.S. taxpayers not only paid for what led to the ISIL crisis, they also opened the door for China to secure resources key to thriving in the post-oil global economy. While squandering American resources on a counter-productive foreign adventure—and borrowing from Beijing to afford it—the Israel lobby-dominated Washington also provided China an opportunity to take a leading position in the changeover to electric vehicles, including a lead in batteries.[54] While the U.S. was distracted by waging wars for Greater Israel, Beijing was razor-focused on achieving a leading position in key technologies, including 5G wireless technology, artificial intelligence, biotech and automation.[55]

Seventeen years after our invasion of Afghanistan (“the graveyard of empires”), the Taliban hold more territory than when we launched Operation Enduring Freedom on October 7, 2001. Heroin production has returned to an all-time high. In July 2016, President Obama announced plans to leave 8,400 U.S. troops in Afghanistan. With subsequent deployments by Donald Trump, the U.S. had more than 15,000 troops engaged in a forever war as of mid-January 2018.

During 2015-2016, China made ten offers to buy international semiconductor businesses, mostly in the U.S. In March 2018, the U.S. blocked the acquisition of chip-maker Qualcomm by Singapore-based Broadcom, signaling a sensitivity to fact-emerging Chinese dominance in key industries. As we wasted resources on unwinnable wars, China steadily gained ground in the global economy, often at U.S. expense. In effect, Beijing is redeploying U.S. purchasing power to acquire productive assets in the U.S. that reflect our long-term investment in education, research, technology and knowledge. After Secretary of State Albright and regional specialists in her State Department refused to meet with me on my return from Baghdad in February 1997, the offer for the $160 billion in reconstruction contracts was presented to the Canadians.

Regional Pre-staging & Global Orchestration

Consistent with Israeli war planners’ modus operandi whereby wars are waged “by way of deception” (the operating credo of the Mossad), those identified don’t do this to us. Instead, psy-ops are deployed that induce us to do it to ourselves, often in response to well-timed crises traceable to skilled agent provocateurs and to those with a “tireless genius for crisis.” First comes the duplicitous pre-staging (befriending in order to betray), then comes the war-mongering orchestration. One illustrative example will confirm the lengthy Israeli pre-staging enabled with false intelligence fixed around a predetermined goal.

On April 14, 1986, 160 American, British and German aircraft dropped sixty tons of bombs on Libya, killing 40 civilians. The provocation: an April 5, 1986 terrorist attack on Berlin’s La Belle Discotheque that killed two U.S. servicemen. The duplicitous pre-staging: in mid-February, the Mossad launched Operation Trojan, a bogus broadcasting operation in Tripoli staged to make it appear that the Libyan leadership was transmitting terrorist instructions to their embassies worldwide[56] Though the phony transmissions by Israeli intelligence services failed to deceive French or Spanish intelligence, U.S. intelligence was reassured when its authenticity was confirmed by America’s special friend and ally, Israel.

The war-mongering orchestration: With Israeli Mossad operatives tied into terrorist organizations throughout Europe and able to trigger profiled assets on short notice, it was only a matter of time before an American would become a victim. In terms of the math underlying game theory warfare, such a terrorist event was probabilistic. With President Reagan on record promising to retaliate against any country shown to support terrorism, the orchestration was complete.[57]

The resulting attack by U.S.-led coalition forces on Tripoli and Benghazi (Operation El Dorado) scuttled negotiations for the release of hostages in Lebanon and led to the retaliatory execution of American University of Beirut librarian Peter Kilburn, held captive for 16 months. That murderous reaction to an Israel-orchestrated provocation (a classic game theory operation) raised the global profile of “radical Islamic extremists” as a plausible threat to the U.S. and the E.U.—pre-staging both the pre-9/11 narrative, The Clash of Civilizations, and the post-9/11 narrative of “Islamo-fascism.”


The Costs of An Entangled Alliance

Tel Aviv’s success with Operation Trojan also confirmed for the broader Muslim world ongoing U.S. susceptibility to Israeli duplicity. Tel Aviv could deceive its ally, mobilize its military and its allies contrary to their true interests and manipulate public opinion at will—yet still be assured of U.S. support. The unwavering support includes intelligence sharing, diplomatic protection at the U.N., the provision of arms and munitions and an assurance that Israel can maintain a “qualitative edge” in weaponry with U.S. taxpayer support, including a 10-year $38 billion commitment approved in September 2016. Operation Trojan confirmed for the Israel lobby their virtual control both of the Congress and the Office of the President regardless of political party.

Israeli confidence soared when its Libyan deception succeeded by simultaneously misleading American leaders, discrediting the U.S. and inducing us to deploy our military to advance Israeli goals. Meanwhile its lobby continued to nurture this “special relationship” as more pro-Israelis were moved into leadership positions in the Congress and onto committees key to advancing Israel’s long game. Tel Aviv’s manipulation of the U.S. military to remove Saddam Hussein became Israel’s strategic objective at least 15 years prior to the mass murder of 9/11. A senior Mossad operative was candid in assessing their success with Operation Trojan:

After the bombing of Libya, our friend Gaddafi is sure to stay out of the picture for some time. Iraq and Saddam Hussein are the next target. We’re starting now to build him up as the big villain. It will take some time, but in the end, there’s no doubt that it’ll work.[58]

The Israeli strategy for regime change in Baghdad took a bit longer because Iraq was secular, modern and moderate—arguably because its despotic leader quashed radical Islamic extremism while its neighbors were often non-secular, anti-modern and growing gradually more radical. That extremist drift was fueled by serial Israeli provocations (a key role played by Israel’s brutal occupation of PalestineJ) and by the fundamentalist Islam spread by Wahhabi clerics and madrassas (schools) financed by Saudi royals.

The Media-Enabled Narrative

In support of the regional dynamics set in motion by Operation Trojan, a pro-Israeli U.S. media began to saturate the political mind space with tales of evil doing by Saddam Hussein and the risks to Americans posed by his faraway regime. Those accounts helped ensure that The Clash storyline (a decade prior to its launch) gained traction in time to dominate the national narrative pre- and post-9/11, making a U.S. war in the Middle East appear as the “natural evolution” of historical forces. As I will show, history has not evolved naturally but has been prodded, prompted and provoked by those I profiled.

As in so many other nations, I knew that Israeli operatives were also imbedded in the Gaddafi regime. The first clue came when a London-based friend of Jeff’s offered to introduce us to son Saif Gaddafi. Our meeting was cancelled when Saif instead met outside London with Nathan Rothschild, Peter Mandelson, a former pro-Zionist Member of Parliament, and Oleg Deripaska, the Russian-Jewish oligarch who by age 40—after marrying into the family of Russian President Boris Yeltsin (a classic asset)—amassed a personal wealth of $40 billion. The second clue came while I was in Algiers at the urging of former Algerian diplomat Jamal Darradji. When he told me that Saif wanted to meet me in Tripoli, I initially agreed—just to see what would happen. When I then canceled, Mr. Darradji revealed his hand as an asset working both for Tel Aviv and my Uncle David.

In December 2010, I told senior officials in Algiers that the Israelis would use Libya to establish a foothold in North Africa as they did soon thereafter. I was told that Algiers identified and ejected four Mossad agents whose operations were uncovered by investigating those who tried to discredit me in Algiers and undermined adoption of the NewRock model in North Africa. Those I’ve profiled (while being stalked) in venues worldwide know that the model will, in time, displace them along with the financial skim they’ve long levied on humanity.

Interactions with an Enemy Within

As proven by my life experience and what was done in the U.S. to Munther Ghazal, Americans’ support for Israel enables an enemy within to wage an undeclared war on us while manipulating us to wage wars on others. Protecting us from enemies, both foreign and domestic, can begin by federal officials performing their duty consistent with the law and with their oath of office: investigate my life experience in good faith and follow the facts wherever they may lead.

I always knew when I was doing well based on what they would do to me. After a failed attempt to kill me in New Orleans in 1991, I was sleeping in my car in Malibu, California and eating at the same Los Angeles restaurant at the same time every day. That’s when two Israeli agents sat down with me. Both were male, over six feet tall and well dressed. One of them said, “Everyone thinks you’re crazy. No one will ever believe anything you say. We will block anyone ever engaging any investigation of crimes committed against you. Give up and blow your brains out.”

I looked at them and calmly said, “Gentlemen, thank you for telling me this. Before you sat down, I was beginning to think that perhaps I am crazy. If you believed everything you just said, you would not be sitting here. Now leave. My food is getting cold.” When I asked the waiter to get the manager so I could phone the police, they ran out of the restaurant. Such encounters enabled me to confirm at key junctures that I was on the right track. And proved for me that, if I could just keep going, I would be where I am today with the facts required to expose this threat to humanity.

My life-long experience with serial criminal stalking—still ongoing—provides a reliable roadmap able to lead legitimate law enforcement to those who undermined the national security of the U.S., the U.K. and numerous other nations. As these facts are engaged, their arrogance and their obsessive-compulsive personalities will cause them to react in ways that heighten their transparency. There lies a key reason behind publishing these materials at this time so that those imposing this hidden tax on humanity will begin to expose their operations as they run for cover—and find there is none.


  • Photo in office of Saddam’s nuclear physicist, Dr. Nidhal al-Hamdani (1997)
  • Photo in entryway of Al Rasheed Hotel in Baghdad (1997)
  • Photos with Munther Ghazal touring Babylon (1997)
  • Fax confirming April 24, 1997 meeting w/ Department of Foreign Affairs in Ottawa
  • Letter of December 19, 2001 from Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt
  • Photo of Baghdad College (prep school)
  • Photo of King Hussein (1997)
  • Photo of King Abdullah II
  • Photo of Richard Haass, President, Council on Foreign Relations
  • Photo of Jack Straw, U.K. Foreign Secretary
  • Photo of Colin Powell testifying to U.N. Security Council (Feb. 5, 2003)
  • Photo of Uday & Saddam Hussein
  • Photo of Uday Hussein leaving the hospital (1996)
  • Photo of books by Victor Ostrovsky: By Way of Deception and The Other Side of Deception
  • Photo of Reagan consulting members of Congress on Operation El Dorado Canyon
  • Photo of Saif Gaddafi (2010)
  • Photo of Donald Rumsfeld with Saddam Hussein (1983)

Munther Ghazal and I touring Babylon (1997)

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Baghdad College King Hussein

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Richard Haass King Abdullah

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Jack Straw

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Colin Powell, Feb. 5, 2003 Zacarias Moussaoui

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Uday and Saddam Hussein Uday leaving the hospital 1996

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Donald Rumsfeld & Saddam Hussein (1983)

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Saif al-Islam Gaddafi Reagan consults Members of Congress on Libyan bombing March 14, 1986

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Peter Mandelson Nathan Rothschild

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Boris Yeltsin Oleg Deripaska

Dr. Nidhal Al-Hamdani (physicist) in her office in Iraq in 1997. Dr. Al Hamdani ran Saddam’s industrial complex pre-Gulf War with 40,000 employees answering to her. I took the photo when she answered the phone and greeted Saddam Hussein in Arabic, “Saddam”.

  1. As a child attending Baghdad College, his classmates included Ayad Allawi, Adil Abdul Mahdi and Ahmad Chalabi. Chalabi became head of the London-based Iraqi National Congress (INC). The INC emerged as a key source of the false, flawed and outright fixed intelligence that induced the U.S. to invade Iraq. All three men became candidates for Iraqi prime minister in December 2005. Dexter Filkins, “Boys of Baghdad College Vie for Prime Minister,” The New York Times, December 12, 2005, p. l. “Uday and Qusay, the dictator’s sons, also attended the school in the 1980’s, each of them terrorizing the students and staff.” (p. A8). In December 2005, Mr. Mahdi emerged as vice president. Chalabi and his INC colleagues were airlifted into Iraq by the U.S. military to provide them a preferred position from which to assume political power in the post-invasion era. While serving as a Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq, Chalabi endorsed radical Shiite cleric Moqtada Al-Sadr and allied with those seeking to establish an autonomous government for oil-rich southern Iraq.
  2. John Walcott, “What Donald Rumsfeld Knew We Didn’t Know About Iraq,” Politico, January 24, 2016.
  3. Not until November 2017 did former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown acknowledge that, based on an intelligence report that neoconservatives also kept secret from Britain, the “war could not be justified as a last resort and invasion cannot now be seen as a proportionate response.” Brown writes about this “rush to war” in his book, My Life, Our Times, released in November 2017. He now believes “we were all misled on the existence of WMDs.” In an indirect acknowledgment that those I profiled shape history, he states that had that intelligence been shared, history could have been different. See Michael Savage, “Gordon Brown says Pentagon misled UK over case for Iraq invasion,” The Guardian, November 5, 2017.
  4. Libby was also identified as exposing the identity of C.I.A. agent Valerie Plame after her husband, Ambassador Joe Wilson, confirmed that the intelligence was also false claiming that Iraq was sourcing yellowcake uranium from Niger. Those on whom President G.W. Bush relied inserted that false intelligence into his 2003 State of the Union address
  5. Consistent with the “congruences” I experienced as I was drawn into the “fields within fields…within fields” of relationships through which this transnational criminal syndicate operates, Israeli agent Jerome Corsi offered in November 1994 to introduce me to anti-terrorism expert Neil Livingstone whose “Crisis Management Inc.” business plan proposed to service the market for terrorist threats. Livingstone’s 1998 proposal featured his close ties to James Woolsey, Clinton-era CIA Director (1993-1995) during Russia’s massive privatization fraud. Clinton’s appointment of neocon Woolsey was in return for the campaign support Clinton received from (predominantly Jewish) neocons.
  6. John Nixon, Debriefing the President: The Interrogation of Saddam Hussein, released December 27, 2016. Reviewed by James Risen in The New York Times of December 19, 2016 in “Hussein, The C.I.A. And Me.”
  7. The exhibits include photocopies of the business cards for Johannes Vos and Taco Westerhuis.
  8. Colin Powell was raised in Brooklyn as the son of a Shabbos Goy (his mother cooked and cleaned for orthodox Jews on their Sabbath). The entrance to the Powell home featured a mezuzah. Emotional bonding at an impressionable age can imbed a reluctance to consider the common source of deceit that induced him to vouch for this false intelligence. That bias, a form of self-deceit internalized at an early age and subsequently reinforced, made him an unwitting Israeli asset despite his personal integrity. Indeed, because of that integrity. See Chapter 3 for the production of National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice who was induced to buttress the (false) case for Iraqi nuclear WMD with her widely reported comment, “We don’t want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud.”
  9. John Walcott, “What Donald Rumsfeld Knew We Didn’t Know About Iraq,” Politico, January 24, 2016.
  10. “What’s in Al Jazeera’s undercover film on the US Israel lobby?, The Electronic Intifada, March 5, 2018.
  11. Out of that effort came a $100 million commitment of funds to the Alaska Science and Technology Foundation led by John Sibert as founding executive director.
  12. This approach was also at the heart of the education-centric development model that Glenn Olds and I devised for China that was agreed-to by the Ministry of Education in 2000 and then undermined by those stalking me as chronicled in Chapter 4, The China Connection.
  13. Detective Dan Martinez of the San Diego Sheriff’s Department investigated the death. With this nonlinear criminality, that murder of a first cousin of Munther’s daughter-in-law was viewed as too tangential (i.e., too nonlinear) to connect the murder to our upcoming meeting in Tucson. Patrick Hammara was collateral damage. The target of that well-timed family crisis was the mind of Munther Ghazal who, in terms of game theory warfare, would (within an acceptable range of probabilities) cancel his attendance—and did. Traditional linear jurisprudence is not yet well equipped to address such nonlinear criminality. That shortcoming is routinely exploited by those profiled.
  14. As Commissioner of the Alaska Department of Natural Resources in the early 1990s, Glenn Olds learned about the microbes used to bio-remediate oil spilled by the Exxon Valdez in March 1989. Pollux™ was widely used in Austria to remediate the hydrocarbon buildup on tunnels. In a nation with one of the world’s strictest environmental regimens, the residue from Pollux cleanup operations could be hosed directly into the drains without damaging the environment.
  15. See Chapter 8 for Haim Saban’s $13 million gift to the Brookings Institution in 2002 to fund the Saban Center for Middle East Policy directed by Martin Indyk, founder of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP) as the research arm of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). April 2009 saw media reports of telephone calls intercepted by the National Security Agency in which California Congresswoman Jane Harman agreed to seek lenient treatment from the Bush administration for AIPAC executives Steven J. Rosen and Keith Weissman who were under investigation for espionage. The call to Ms. Harman from Mr. Saban reportedly promised that, in return for her assistance, Mr. Saban would threaten to withhold campaign contributions to California Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi who was expected to become Speaker of the House after the 2006 election. Neil A Lewis and Mark Mazzetti, “Lawmaker Is Said to Have Agreed to Aid Lobbyists,” New York Times, April 21, 2009. Mr. Indyk, Ms. Harman, Mr. Saban, WINEP, AIPAC and the Saban Center have long served as reliable agents for Israel. See “U.S. will go to war with Iran in 2013, says ex-U.S. ambassador to Israel,” Haaretz, September 17, 2012. After taking her oath of office in January 2011 for a tenth term, Harman unexpectedly resigned in February 2011 to serve as president and CEO of the Woodrow Wilson Center where she remains. In October 2011, she was appointed a member of the Defense Policy Board Advisory Committee. She is also a member of the State Department Foreign Policy Board and the Homeland Security Advisory Committee, positions from which she continues to advance Israeli interests.
  16. John Nixon, Debriefing the President: The Interrogation of Saddam Hussein (Blue Ridge Press, 2016).
  17. White House speechwriter David Frum (Jewish) originated the phrase “Axis of Evil” that first appeared in President George W. Bush’s 2002 State of the Union address, linking Iran, Iraq and North Korea. In 2004, Richard Perle, former (Jewish) chair of the U.S. Defense Policy Board Advisory Committee, 2001-2003, published with Frum An End to Evil.
  18. Nor, to my knowledge, has the F.B.I. been willing to investigate the complicity of numerous F.B.I. agents in enabling the stalking to which I continue to be subjected, with evidence confirming agent complicity in numerous F.B.I. offices both in the U.S. and abroad. In December 2000, Ron Burd, my counsel since 1992, sought a meeting with two officials in the Department of Justice to brief them on the systemic criminality proven by my experience. Neither official responded. His request was directed to A. Robert Walsh, Legislative Counsel, and John H. Conditt, Chief, Internal Investigative Unit. Ron also sought a follow-up meeting to discuss the improper conduct of officials in the Fresno, Sacramento, Salt Lake and Long Beach offices of the F.B.I.. Among his concerns evidencing stalking by F.B.I. officials: Ms. Nina Collins in the Fresno office lied to him; a Fresno agent contacted one of Ron’s clients and maligned me; two Salt Lake City agents contacted my ex-wife (falsely claiming they did not know where to find me); and Kevin Johnson of the Long Beach office contacted Ron under suspicious circumstances. Ron also asserted the fabrication of evidence by F.B.I. agents, the suborning of false testimony by F.B.I. agents, and harassment by F.B.I. agents due to his representation of me. Despite numerous requests, neither Ron nor I have been interviewed on the record about these matters by anyone with line responsibility for federal law enforcement or national security. The response to a request submitted to the F.B.I. under the Freedom on Information/Privacy Act resulted in the release of only a few pages of materials despite indications that their records on me are extensive, including numerous false allegations placed in my files meant to preclude functional engagement.
  19. Not until July 2016 were a redacted 28 pages from a Congressional investigation of 9/11 released featuring evidence suggesting a possibility of unofficial hijacker assistance from Saudi sources. Julian Hattem, “Congress publishes redacted 28 pages from 9/11 report,” The Hill, July 15, 2016.
  20. Seymour Hersh, “Plan B,” The New Yorker, June 28, 2004.
  21. John McCain’s dependable and ongoing support for Israel’s long game agenda is chronicled in three chapters of Guilt By Association—How Deception and Self-Deceit Took America to War (aka “the McCain book”) rushed into print just prior to the 2008 presidential election in which he was the Republican Party nominee.
  22. As Adbusters editor Kalle Lasn pointed out, 26 of the 50 most influential neoconservatives who induced America to wage war in Iraq are Jewish (52% vs. 1.4% of the U.S. population). In appraising how the U.S. was deceived to wage this war, he noted: “The point is simply that the neocons seem to have a special affinity for Israel that influences their political thinking and consequently American foreign policy in the Middle East.” Lasn was promptly attacked as “anti-Semitic” when he titled his article, “Why Won’t Anyone Say They’re Jewish?” See Kalle Lasn, “Why Won’t Anyone Say They’re Jewish?,” Adbusters, March/April 2004.
  23. Published for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 1996 under the guidance of Richard Perle, Douglas Feith,, A Clean Break was subtitled A New Strategy for Securing the Realm. This report became the neoconservative guidebook for regime change, including the removal of Saddam Hussein. A member since 1987 of the U.S. Defense Policy Advisory Board, Perle became its chairman in 2001 as Paul Wolfowitz became Deputy Secretary of Defense and Feith oversaw the Office of Special Plans within the Pentagon that provided intelligence to the White House screened through that undisclosed bias and shaped by Israel’s long game agenda.
  24. In 1991, Princeton Professor Bernard Lewis published “The Roots of Muslim Rage” in the September 1990 issue of Atlantic Monthly. An avid Zionist and supporter of the Israeli Right, the Lewis thesis informed what became the premise of Harvard Professor Samuel Huntington in The Clash of Civilizations (1996)
  25. See Kelly Thornton, “Chance to foil 9/11 plot lost here, report finds,” San Diego Union-Tribune, July 25, 2003.
  26. See Chapter 5 (The Poland Connection) chronicling my attempts to alert the Minneapolis office of the F.B.I. that Jerome Corsi, an Israeli agent, was operating in Minneapolis as early as 1995. Correspondence with U.S. Attorney Thomas Heffelfinger in Minneapolis confirmed his unwillingness to engage confirmed facts. Mr. Heffelfinger unexpectedly resigned the same day he received a February 13, 2006 letter from Minnesota native Randall K. Schwake chronicling the role of Jerome Corsi in perpetrating a 1995 fraud for which F.B.I. agents in the Minneapolis office sought to frame me after my return from Iraq in February 1997 with WMD-relevant intelligence and an in-country proposal for removing Saddam Hussein without a war.
  27. In Fresno, Dr. John Janda advanced me over $2 million from 1996-2004 to help stop those destroying our nation. When his medical license was targeted to cut off financial support, he was forced to spend $2-3 million in legal fees to remain in practice. Ron Burke, a friend since the 1970s and a real estate developer in Scottsdale, was targeted with sophisticated frauds 20 years apart involving Steve Herman, the same (Jewish) attorney. Those frauds cost him ~$12 million. Another party stopped funding my work for fear of being targeted. A business owned by Jeff’s ex-wife was targeted with him encountering a “former” Mossad operative in her kitchen in Jupiter, Florida. Any direction I turn, the perpetrators blocked me in the U.S. That’s why I sought partners outside the U.S. in a nation (Algeria) that refuses to have diplomatic relations with this enclave of elites and extremists granted the appearance of nation state legitimacy by a U.S. president whose political career was produced by organized crime. For the production of Harry Truman’s presidency by the National Crime Syndicate, see Guilt By Association—How Deception and Self-Deceit Took America to War (2008).
  28. In retrospect, it appears that a key strategic Israeli goal is to generate hatred of the U.S. as a means to generate distrust in democracy. By comparison, the proposed shared prosperity model offered a peaceful means to remove Saddam Hussein and implement a stability-enhancing development strategy while also transferring the financial benefits of reconstruction and oil concessions largely to U.S. contractors. The proposal would have left in place a shared prosperity structure as a counterbalance to the oligarch-creating “Washington consensus,” creating a more secure foundation for free enterprise and democracy.
  29. The leverage that Israel then held over the Emir of Kuwait will be described in a future publication.
  30. This account was included in materials provided April 5, 2006 to Harvard University professor Stephen M. Walt following a Financial Times opinion piece of April 1, 2006 (“Why can’t we discuss America and Israel?”). The op-ed indicated that Prof. Walt’s position at the Kennedy School of Government was at risk after he and University of Chicago Professor John J. Mearsheimer published a paper challenging whether the U.S. and Israel share the same interests. An edited version of the Mearsheimer/Walt paper (“The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy”) appeared March 23, 2006 in the London Review of Books Vol. 28, No. 6 (available online at That article served as the basis for their 2007 release of The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy in which these academics compared the lobby to the dairy lobby, only more effective. Repeated attempts prove unsuccessful to engage London Review editor Mary-Kay Wilmers.
  31. See accompanying photo of Dr. Hamdani at her desk that I took while she was speaking to Saddam Hussein about our discussion.
  32. Munther sought to include in our meeting a Canadian we had earlier encountered who I knew was a Mossad operative. He revealed his agenda when he tried to discredit me as a “phony Rockefeller” (a common technique) and when he revealed that he was an associate of Israeli asset Ahmad Chalabi who would later emerged as a key source of the false intelligence that induced us to war in Iraq.
  33. Enroute, I briefed Ruth Harkin at her sister’s home in Decatur, Iowa. In a meeting arranged by a mutual friend, I described my in-depth discussions with Iraqi nuclear physicist Dr. Nidhal al-Hamdani. Ruth had just resigned as head of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC).
  34. See Victor Ostrovsky, The Other Side of Deception (New York: HarperCollins, 1994),

  35. James Risen, “Hussein, The C.I.A. And Me,” The New York Times, December 19, 2016 citing author John Nixon in Debriefing the President: The Interrogation of Saddam Hussein, (Blue Ridge Press, 2016).
  36. Attendees at that briefing included Fred Matuk (Middle East desk), Jinnette Togner (counsel to Prime Minister Jean Chrétien), Roger Lucy and Marcelle Beles. The intelligence representative, identified as Mr. Beles, said it was his opinion that the U.S. would not speak to Saddam Hussein as the U.S was determined to remove him. See the exhibits for a copy of an April 15, 1997 fax confirming my meeting on April 24i n Ottawa at the Middle East Division of the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade.
  37. When U.S. aircraft encroached on Iraqi airspace and were fired upon, President George W. Bush cited Iraqi aggression as one of the rationales for invading Iraq. As (Jewish) neoconservatives and the Israel lobby launched their campaign for a U.S.-led invasion of Syria, they again proposed a no-fly zone with support from asset John McCain.
  38. U.S.-sponsored, U.N.-enforced sanctions against Iraq (1990-2012) reportedly led to the death of more than 500,000 Iraqi children. In a May 12, 1996 interview on 60 Minutes, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright was asked whether the price that U.S. sanctions imposed on Iraqi children was worth it. Her response, “This is a very hard choice but we think the price is worth it.” In 1998, Denis Halliday, the U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator in Iraq, resigned over the sanctions, characterizing them as “collective punishment” and “genocidal.”
  39. In May 2009, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi engaged in a high-profile dispute with former Congressman Leon Panetta, Director of Central Intelligence, when she denied that she had been briefed in 2002 on the use of waterboarding (to simulate drowning) on high-value detainee Abu Zubaydah. After at least 83 waterboardings, in August 2002 Zubaydah “confessed” to the high-level contact between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda that was cited in support of the March 23, 2003 invasion of Iraq. Zubaydah later recanted. Carl Hulse, “Pelosi Says She Knew of Waterboarding by 2003,” The New York Times, May 14, 2009, p. 1. But see Joby Warrick and Dan Eggen, “Hill Briefed on Waterboarding in 2002,” The Washington Post, December 9, 2007, p. 1. This form of torture was used to elicit the confession of a nonexistent high-level link that would have cited Munther Ghazal as the pre-staged contact had I not persuaded him to decline an invitation to meet with Islamic extremists in Afghanistan 18 months prior to 9/11. Zubaydah also confessed another implausible link (leaked by the G.W. Bush Administration in the run-up to war) in which Osama bin Laden and Abu Musab al-Zarqawi (the leader of Al Qaeda in Iraq) were collaborating with Saddam Hussein to destabilize the autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq. Far more plausible are the claims of investigative reporter Seymour Hersh who found that, when the U.S. invaded Iraq in 2003, more than 100 members of the Mossad, Israel’s clandestine foreign intelligence service, had been working for a decade in Iraq training Kurdish commandos. Post-invasion, Mosul emerged as a center of the insurgency that engulfed Iraq, including numerous car bombs. The Israeli embassy denied the claim though a senior official at the Central Intelligence Agency reportedly confirmed that Israelis were operating in northern Iraq. Israel became the primary export market for Iraqi oil from “Kurdistan” and Mosul became the first city in Iraq taken over by ISIL. A May 2009 report on detainee abuse by the U.S. Senate Committee on Armed Services included testimony by Major Paul Burney, an Army psychiatrist who served in an advisory role to the Joint Task Force at Guantanamo. Burney testified that “a large part of the time we were focused on trying to establish a link between al-Qaeda and Iraq and we were not successful….The more frustrated people got in not being able to establish that link…there was more and more pressure to resort to measures that might produce more immediate results.”
  40. The Camp David scenario was confirmed March 23, 2004 in 9/11 Commission hearings when Congressman Richard Ben-Veniste asked Secretary of State Colin Powell about a principals’ meeting on that date.
  41. Wolfowitz’s comments cited in Judith Miller, “Former Terrorism Official Criticizes White House on 9/11,” The New York Times, March 22, 2004, p. A19.
  42. Richard Clarke, Against All Enemies (New York: Free Press, 2004).
  43. Glenn Olds was visiting Munther’s home during one of many visits by F.B.I. agents. Munther assumed engineering duties at the Baghdad Hotel in 1967 when, after the Six-Day War, the Baathists ejected many foreigners from Iraq, including the British engineer then working for Munther’s father at the hotel. He showed me the engineering plans for the palaces stored in a secret room in the Diana Hotel across the Tigris River from the central Baghdad palace that was bombed as part of a “decapitation” strike that began the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003.
  44. A copy was also hand-delivered to the Russian embassy in Washington where Jeff met with Middle East specialist Elmir Tagirov and a second man who declined to provide his name. Knowing how closely correspondence is monitored, numerous compilations of facts and analyses were thereafter emailed to Mr. Tagirov. Familiar both with the source and the beneficiaries of the financial fraud to which Russia was subjected in the 1990s under the guise of reform, each memo urged that Russian leaders refrain from characterizing as “private property” that fraudulent transfer of public property into private hands. Much as the U.S. needs Russia’s help to address this trans-generational duplicity and criminality (as with Moscow’s help in resolving the chemical weapons issue in Syria and the nuclear arms issue with Iran), Russia needs the assistance of the West in recovering the wealth of which the Russian people were defrauded. Many of the perpetrators now reside in the U.S., the U.K. and Israel. Of the original nine Russian oligarchs, a majority qualified for a “right of return” to the Jewish state of Israel.
  45. The Alaska Permanent Fund distributes annual dividend checks to all residents of Alaska from the earnings on the state’s reinvestment of royalties and a production tax. Since 1982, dividend payments have ranged from $200 to more than $2,000. Glenn Olds described for me how Norway’s Government Petroleum Fund traces its origins to a discussion between my father and the King of Norway, Olav V. Established in 1990 to manage the government’s petroleum revenues, the Fund is now the world’s largest sovereign wealth fund holding more than $1 trillion in financial assets as of October 2017. In 1998, Norges Bank Investment Management was established to manage the Fund on behalf of the Ministry of Finance. The Fund (renamed in 2006 the Government Pension Fund Global) serves as a combination financial stability fund, national savings plan and pension fund.
  46. Quoted as part of “28 Pages,” a 60 Minutes segment broadcast on CBS on April 10, 2016.
  47. See Chapter 9 for Israeli expertise in game theory warfare and the mathematical modeling used to anticipate the reaction to well-timed crisis along with the reaction to the reaction to the reaction, etc.
  48. The U.N. proposal for a Middle East free of nuclear weapons has gained renewed urgency. In 2010, on the same day that the initiative was scheduled for U.N. debate in New York, a well-timed crisis emerged known as the “Times Square Terrorist.”
  49. Future research will determine if there is a match between the feedstock found in Iraq’s chemical weapons and the spores discovered in an anthrax crises that emerged in the U.S. beginning one week after the 9/11 attacks.
  50. Hearings led by Michigan Senator Don Riegle confirmed the role of U.S. firms in supplying the materials required for Saddam Hussein to commit atrocities. See Future research will identify when Kissinger Associates entered and left Iraq. Munther also cautioned about the dangers of a U.S. presence outraging the Shiite majority after Saddam Hussein’s dominantly Sunni soldiers reportedly killed tens of thousands of Shiites after the U.S. failed to support a U.S.-encouraged uprising following the 1991 Gulf War.
  51. Tim Arango and Clifford Krauss, “China Is Reaping Biggest Benefits of Iraq Oil Boom,” New York Times, June 2, 2013.
  52. James Risen, “U.S. Identified Vast Mineral Richest in Afghanistan,” New York Times, June 13, 2010.
  53. “China charges into cobalt to take batteries lead,” Financial Times, May 26, 2016. “VW lines up electric cars venture with China’s JAC,” Financial Times, September 8, 2016.
  54. Cecilia Kang and Alan Rappeport, “U.S. and China Battle for Edge in Technology,” The New York Times, March 7, 2018.
  55. The Trojan was a communication device planted by Israeli naval commandos in Tripoli. The device received prerecorded digital transmissions from an Israeli navy ship and rebroadcast the transmission on another frequency, enabling the misleading broadcast to be picked up by U.S. and other intelligence agencies. Due to the ability to triangulate to determine the location, the Trojan was planted near the broadcasting center of the Libyan government. That Israeli operation included the rental of an apartment by a Mossad operative who prepaid the rent for six months. For a description of Israel’s worldwide network of volunteers (sayanim), see pp. xxix-xxxi of Guilt By Association—How Deception and Self-Deceit Took America to War. When the misleading message was intercepted by U.S. intelligence and its content confirmed by a trusted source (Tel Aviv), the deception was complete. French and Spanish intelligence agencies were suspicious that the careful Libyans would suddenly begin to broadcast their intentions while also using language similar to Mossad reports on Libya. That suspicion was confirmed with the intercept of an after-incident report. Familiar with Israeli duplicity and staffed by intelligence personnel less imperiled than Washington by dual loyalties, Paris and Madrid viewed that report as further proof that the transmissions were Israeli disinformation. Note again the displacement of facts with manipulated beliefs traceable to this entangled alliance.
  56. Future research will identify who crafted the speech in which Reagan voiced that threat.
  57. Victor Ostrovsky, The Other Side of Deception (New York: HarperCollins, 1994), pp. 113-117. See also Victor Ostrovsky with Claire Hoy, By Way of Deception—The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer (1990).